# A grammar of Yauyos Quechua

Aviva Shimelman

Studies in Diversity Linguistics 9

### Studies in Diversity Linguistics

### Chief Editor: Martin Haspelmath

Consulting Editors: Fernando Zúñiga, Peter Arkadiev, Ruth Singer, Pilar Valen zuela

In this series:


# A grammar of Yauyos Quechua

Aviva Shimelman

Aviva Shimelman. 2017. *A grammar of Yauyos Quechua* (Studies in Diversity Linguistics 9). Berlin: Language Science Press.

This title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/83 © 2017, Aviva Shimelman Published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ISBN: 978-3-946234-21-0 (Digital) 978-3-946234-22-7 (Hardcover) 978-3-946234-23-4 (Softcover) ISSN: 2363-5568 DOI:10.5281/zenodo.376355

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For my father





# **Acknowledgments**

It is a joy for me to be able to acknowledge all the people and institutions who have helped me in the course of this project. I owe thanks, first, to Willem Adelaar, who read the manuscript with extraordinary care and offered me invaluable comments which saved me from numerous, numerous errors. Many thanks are due, too, to Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino for comments and advice, as well as to Andrés Chirinos Rivera for orientation. Also offering orientation as well as generous and very enjoyable hospitality were Carmen Escalante Gutiérrez and Ricardo Valderrama Fernández. Paul Heggarty – an intrepid Andean hiker – joined me in the field in the course of his own research; he also found me much-needed support to complete this grammar as well as its accompanying lexicon. Three anonymous reviewers offered extensive, wise comments. Limitations on my time and abilities kept me from incorporating all the changes they suggested. Selfless proofreaders also offered advice for which I am very grateful. Teachers and consultants in Yauyos number more than one hundred; they are acknowledged – insufficiently – in §1.7. In addition to these, there are many, many people in Yauyos and especially in Viñac who are owed thanks for all manner of help and, above all, for friendship. Requiring special mention among these are my principal teacher, Delfina Chullukuy, my principal translator, Esther Madueño, and my *ñaña* and *turi* Hilda Quispe and Ramón Alvarado.

Thanks go, too, to Elio A. Farina for help with LATEX.

Finally, I honestly don't know how to express my gratitude to Sebastian Nordhoff and Martin Haspelmath, above all for their wisdom and patience.

The fieldwork upon which the grammar and dictionary are based enjoyed the support of several institutions. I am grateful to San Jose State University which offered support in the form of a faculty development that enabled me to initiate the project. Support at the conclusion came from the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology; it is thanks to the MPI that I was able to turn a ragged draft into a publishable manuscript. Finally, I benefited extensively from two Documenting Endangered Languages fellowships from the National Endowment for the Humanities and National Science Foundation (FN-50099-11 and FN-501009- 12). Any views, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed here do

### Acknowledgments

not necessarily reflect those of the National Endowment for the Humanities or the National Science Foundation.

Errors remain, of course, for which I am entirely responsible.

# **Notational conventions**

Table 1 lists the gloss abbreviations employed and the morphemes to which they correspond. Unless otherwise noted, all morphemes are common to all dialects.

Throughout, *Á* indicates alternation between [á] and an accent shift to the final syllable. *H*, *I*, *N*, *R*, and *S* indicate alternations between [ø] and [h], [i], [n], [r], and [s], respectively. *U* indicates alternation between [u] and [a]. *Y* indicates alternation between [y], [i] and [ø]. *PI* indicates an alternation between [pi] and [ø] (unique to the additive enclitic *-pis*). The first five alternations are conditioned by environment in all dialects. *R* indicates alternative realizations of \*/r/ – realized as [r] in all dialects except that of ch, where it is predominantly realized as [l]. Where two morphemes share the same code (as occurs, for example in the case of *-pa* and *-pi*, which both indicate both genitive and locative case) the code is subscripted with a number (*i.e.*, gen<sup>1</sup> , gen<sup>2</sup> ; loc<sup>1</sup> , loc<sup>2</sup> ). Where the same morpheme has two or more functions (as is the case, for example, with *-paq*, which indicates ablative, benefactive and purposive cases) the morpheme is subscripted (*i.e.*, *-paq<sup>1</sup>* , *-paq<sup>2</sup>* , *-paq<sup>3</sup>* ). In the body of the text, I do not make use of thse subscripts. Unless otherwise noted, a morpheme occurs in all five dialects. Where a morpheme is exclusive to one or more dialects, that is indicated in small caps in parentheses. Tables 1 and 2 list morpheme codes and their corresponding morphemes. The former is sorted by morpheme code; the latter, by morpheme.




Table 1: Continued from previous page.




Table 1: Continued from previous page.

Table 2: Morphemes codes (sorted by morpheme)



Table 2: Continued from previous page.


Table 2: Continued from previous page.



Further abbreviations:


### Notation:


# **1 Introduction**

Yauyos is a critically endangered Quechuan language spoken in the Peruvian Andes, in the Province of Yauyos, Department of Lima. The language counts eight dialects. These are listed below in Table 1.1. At the time I undertook my research in the area, three of these had already become extinct. The missing dialects are those formerly spoken in the north of the province: Alis-Tomas (at), Huancaya-Vitis (hv) and Laraos (l).<sup>1</sup> This grammar, therefore, unfortunately, covers only the five southern dialects: Apurí-Madeán-Viñac (amv), Azángaro-Chocos-Huangáscar (ach), Cacra-Hongos (ch), Lincha-Tana (lt) and Liscay-San Pedro (sp).


Table 1.1: The dialects of Yauyos Quechua

The lacuna is highly relevant to any conclusions that might be drawn from this study and, in particular, to any conclusions that might be drawn with regard to its significance for the classification of the Quechuan languages, as two of the

<sup>1</sup> A ten-day town-to-town search undertaken in the north of the province in January 2010 failed to turn up any speakers of Yauyos Quechua. Some speakers of the Quechua of neighboring Huancayo, however, could be found yet.

### 1 Introduction

missing three – Alis-Tomas (at), Huancaya-Vitis (hv) – were those that, according to previous work (Taylor 1994; 2000), most resembled the QII languages of Central Peru.

The remainder of this introduction begins with a section describing the location of the various towns where syq is spoken and the geography of the region (§1.1). The endangerment of the language is the topic of §1.2. §1.3 catalogs the previous research on the language. Sections §1.4 and §1.5 follow with a brief discussion of the internal divisions among the various dialects of Yauyos and then a slightly longer discussion of the classification of the language. The conventions employed in this volume are detailed in §1.6. §1.7 supplies information about the fieldwork on which this study is based. Finally, (§1.8) lists the tables and sections likely to be of particular interest to students of Andean languages, while §1.9 points to topics where the Yauyos data are potentially relevant to linguists from other subfields.

### **1.1 Location**

The five dialects of syq are spoken in the ten disctricts: Apurí, Madeán, and Viñac; Azángaro, Chocos, and Huangáscar; Lincha and Tana; Cacra and Hongos; and San Pedro. The first two sets are located in the valley created by the Huangáscar River and its principal tributary, the Viñac River, as can be seen on Map 1.1. The second two are located in the valley created by the Cacra River and its principal tributaries, the Lincha and Paluche Rivers. The two valleys are separated by a chain of rather high and rocky hills. Running from east to west, these are the cerros Pishqullay, Tinco, Punta Tacana, Ranraorqo, Pishunco, Cochapata, Yanaorqo, and Shallalli.

No district except San Pedro is located more than one day's walk from any other; in the case of San Pedro, it is two.<sup>2</sup> The four districts that lie within the province of Yauyos center at 12°62′S and 75°7′W. The principal towns of all the districts except Chocos, Huangáscar, and Tana sit at altitudes around 3300 meters, while those of Chocos, Huangáscar, and Tana sit at just under 3000 meters. The relevant region can be contained within an area of 40 m<sup>2</sup> ; its highest peak reaches 5055 m.<sup>3</sup>

<sup>2</sup> It is not irrelevant to the explanation of the dialect cleavages that this mountain range seems to block the movement of brides from one set of districts to another. Until very recently, newlywed women generally only moved from one town to another within the same valley.

<sup>3</sup> There exists a series of topographical maps prepared and published in 1996 by the U.S. Defense Mapping Agency. Southern Yauyos is covered on the section labeled Tupe and identified Series 1745, Sheet J632, Edition -1 DMA.

### 1.2 Endangerment

Figure 1.1: Map of Andean municipalities of southern Yauyos, Peru

### **1.2 Endangerment**

At the date of this writing, the UNESCO classifies Yauyos as critically endangered. The 18th edition of *Ethnologue* (Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2015), however, tags it as "moribund." Although, as I see it, there is no real likelihood that any dialect of Yauyos will ever be revived, it is early yet to declare it moribund. I estimate that there are about twenty teens who understand the Viñac and San Pedro dialects, as well as many as 80 adults in their forties and fifties who can still speak it relatively fluently. Moreover, although its use is now generally restricted to the discussion of every-day and ritual activities, it is still used frequently among the oldest speakers.

The 1993 Peru census counted 1,600 speakers, 25% of them over 65 (Chirinos-Rivera 2001: 121). That census, however, did not distinguish between speakers of Yauyos and speakers of other Quechuan languages who resided in the province (Chirinos-Rivera, p.c.). This is crucial to the assessment of the data on the Quechua-speaking population of the north of the province. Although there are many Quechua-speaking migrants there – principally from Huancayo, the town with which the north has the most commercial contact – I was unable to locate any speakers of the dialects indigenous to the area. Further, population

### 1 Introduction

data in the province tend to be exaggerated for several reasons. First, people who emigrated from the region years or even decades ago remain, nevertheless, officially resident there for reasons of convenience. Second, death certificates are often not issued for the deceased. Less than ten years before that survey – still, to my knowledge, the most recent – electricity had yet to come to the Andean towns of southern Yauyos and the only physical connections between those towns to the rest of the world were three 40-kilometer dirt paths that wound their perilous way 2,000 meters down the canyon. Since that time, the Peruvian government has installed electricity in the region and widened the perilous dirt paths into perilous dirt roads.<sup>4</sup> TelMex and Claro now offer cable television, and buses come and go on alternate days. In short, the isolation that had previously preserved theQuechua spoken in the region has been broken and the language now counts, according to my estimates, fewer than 450 speakers, most over 65, and all but the most elderly fully bilingual in Spanish.

The drastic reduction in the number of speakers can also be attributed to the Shining Path. During the 1980's and early 1990's, the period during which the Maoist army terrorized the region, there was a large-scale exodus, particularly of young people, who ran to escape forced conscription. Many never returned, remaining principally in the coastal cities of Cañete and Lima. Theirs was the last generation to learn Quechua to any degree. Currently, there are a few children – those who live with their grandmothers or great-grandmothers in the most isolated hamlets – with a passive knowledge of the language. The youngest speakers, however, are in their late thirties.

Quechuan as a language family is not currently endangered, and other Quechuan languages are well-documented. Estimates of the numbers of Quechuan speakers range between 8.5 and 10 million, and, although Quechua is being pushed back by Spanish in many areas, the majority dialects of its major varieties – Ancash, Ayacucho, Bolivian, Cuzco, Ecuadorian<sup>5</sup> – are quite viable (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 168). Paradoxically, however, the viability of the major varieties is coming at the expense of the viability of the minor varieties. Adelaar (2008: 14) writes: "If Quechua will survive, its speakers will probably be users of four of five of the most successful dialects, most of which belong to Quechua IIB and IIC." The dialects of southern Yauyos, classified as either qi or qiia, and other minor Quechuan languages are rapidly disappearing.

<sup>4</sup> In the space of just one year, spanning 2012 and 2013, fourteen people died in six separate accidents in the region when their vehicles fell from the road down the canyon.

<sup>5</sup> It is worth noting that much of the diversity internal to these languages is being lost, as one anonymous reviewer points out.

1.3 Existing documentation

### **1.3 Existing documentation**

Echerd (1974) and Brougère (1992) supply some socio-linguistic data on Yauyos. There is also a book of folktales, in Spanish, collected in the region in the 1930's and 1940's: *Apuntes para el folklor de Yauyos* (Varilla Gallardo 1965). Yauyos is mentioned in the context of two dialectological studies of Quechua by Torero (1968; 1974).

With these exceptions, all that is known about Yauyos we owe to the French researcher Gerald Taylor. Taylor's PhD dissertation describes the morphology of Laraos, a northern dialect of Yauyos. This work was republished or excerpted, sometimes with revisions, in Taylor (1984; 1990; 1994; 1994b). Taylor (1987a) supplements the data on Laraos with data on Huancaya, and Taylor (1990; 2000) provides a comparison of all seven dialects on the basis of eight grammatical elements and fifty lexical items. Finally, Taylor (1987b,c; 1991) transcribes and translates several folktales into Spanish and French.

### **1.4 The dialects of Yauyos**

Yauyos groups together various dialects that, although mutually intelligible, differ in ways that are relevant both to the classification of Yauyos as well as to the current paradigm for the classification of the Quechuan languages generally. That classification is highly contested, and, indeed, has been since the first proposals were suggested in the 1960s (See in particular Landerman 1991).

The Province is located on the border between the two large, contiguous zones where languages belonging to the two great branches of the Quechua language family are spoken: the "Quechua I" (Torero) or "Quechua B" (Parker) languages are spoken to its north; the "Quechua II" or "Quechua A" languages, to its south, as the map in Figure 1.3 shows.

For reasons detailed in §1.5, the model that divides the Quechuan family tree into two principal branches doesn't apply very well to Yauyos, as its different dialects manifest different characteristics of both of branches. Yauyos is, of course, not alone in this, not in the least because the division of the languages into two branches was, arguably, based on rather arbitrary criteria in the first place (See in particular Landerman 1991). The significance of Yauyos lies in the fact that it may represent the "missing link" between the two (See in particular Heggarty 2007). There exist three proposals in the literature – Taylor (2000); Torero (1974); Lewis, Simons & Fennig (2015) – with regard to the grouping of the province's fifteen districts into dialect bundles. Taylor (2000: 105) counts seven varieties of Yauyos

### 1 Introduction

Figure 1.2: Quechuan languages family tree

Quechua, dividing these into two groups along a north-south axis. In the north are the dialects of Alis/Tomas, Huancaya/Vitis, and Laraos; in the south, those of Apurí/Chocos/Madeán/Viñac, Azángaro/Huangáscar, Cacra/Hongos, and Lincha/Tana. Taylor classes four of these dialects – the northern dialects of Alis/- Tomas and Huancaya/Vitis and the southern dialects of Azángaro/Huangáscar and Cacra/Hongos – as belonging to the qi branch; he classes the remaining three – Laraos in the north as well as Apurí/Chocos/Madeán/Víñac and Lincha/- Tana in the south – as belonging to qii. Torero (1974) counted only six dialects, excluding Azángaro/Huangáscar from the catalogue, classing it independently among the qi dialects along with with Chincha's Topará. Ethnologue, like Taylor, includes Azángaro/Huangascar and adds, even, an eighth dialect, that of San Pedro de Huacarpana, spoken on the Chincha side of the Yauyos-Chincha border. Ethnologue further differs from Taylor in putting Apurí in a group by itself; and it differs from both Taylor and Torero in grouping Chocos with Azángaro/Huangáscar. My research supports Taylor's grouping of Apurí with Madeán and Viñac; it also supports Ethnologue's inclusion of San Pedro de Huacarpana among the dialects of Yauyos. San Pedro is located immediately to the north-east of Madeán and Azángaro, at less than a days' walk's distance. Although formerly counted a part of the Department of Lima and the Province of Yauyos, a redrawing of

### 1.5 Classification

Figure 1.3: Peruvian languages map

political boundaries placed San Pedro on the Ica side of the contemporary Ica-Lima border. During the colonial period, the Province of Yauyos was larger and included parts of what are now the Provinces of Chincha and Castrovirreyna (Huancavelica) Landerman (1991: 1.1.3.2.7). Apurí, like its neighbors Viñac and Madeán, uses *-ni* and *-y* to indicate the first-person singular in the verbal and substantive paradigms; they also use *-rqa* and *-sa* to indicate the past tense and perfect. The first pair of characteristics set the Madeán/Viñac and Lincha/- Tana dialects apart from the other three; the second pair of characteristics sets Madeán/Viñac apart from Lincha/Tana. Chocos, like its neighbors Huangáscar and Azángaro, uses vowel length to indicate the first-person singular in the verbal and substantive paradigms.

### **1.5 Classification**

Yauyos Quechua was dubbed by Alfredo Torero (1974) a "supralect" and its most careful student, Gerald Taylor, referred to it as a "mixed" language (Taylor 1990:

### 1 Introduction

2, Taylor 2000: 105). Indeed, the designation of Yauyos as a language may seem, at first, to be no more than a relic of the first classifications of the Quechuan languages not by strictly linguistic criteria but, rather, by geographic criteria. Yauyos is located on the border between the two large, contiguous zones where the languages of the two different branches of the Quechuan language family are spoken. qi is spoken immediately to the north, in the Department of Junín and the north of the Department of Lima; qii, immediately to the south, in the Departments of Huancavelica and Ayacucho. Yauyos manifests characteristics of both branches. Take first-person marking. Three dialects, Azángaro-Chocos<sup>6</sup> - Huangáscar (ach), Cacra-Hongos (ch), and San Pedro (sp), use the same marking (vowel length) for the first person in both nominal and verbal paradigms<sup>7</sup> and mark the first-person object with *-ma*. These are the two characteristics that define a Quechuan language as belonging to the qi (also called Quechua B or *Huaihuash*) branch. The other two dialects, Apurí-Madeán-Viñac (amv) and Lincha-Tana (lt), mark the first person differently in the nominal and verbal paradigms (with *-y* and *-ni*, respectively) and mark first-person object with *-wa*. These two dialects, then, sort with the qii (A/*Huampuy*) languages. Indeed, the first three are classed as qi (specifically, Central*-Huancay*) and the other two, qii (specifically *Yunagay*-Central) (Cerrón-Palomino 1987: 247). Nevertheless, the "qi" dialects, ach, ch, and sp, manifest few of the other traits that set the qi languages apart from the qii languages. They do use *ñuqakuna* in place of *ñuqayku* to form the first person plural exclusive as well as *-pa(:)ku* to indicate the plural. Crucially, however, so do both the "qii" syq dialects.<sup>8</sup> And none of the five manifest any other of the principal traits that generally set the qi languages apart from the rest. None use *-naw* in place of *-Sina* to form the comparative, *-piqta* in place of *-manta* to form the ablative, or *-naq* in place of *-shqa* to form the narrative past; and none except for Cacra uses *-r* (realized [l]) in place of *-shpa* to form same-subject subordinate clauses. Now, the two "qii" syq dialects manifest several of the traits that set the qiic (*Chínchay Meridional*) languages apart from the rest. Like the qiic languages, the amv and lt dialects use the diminutive *-cha*, the emphatic *-ari*, the assertive *-puni*, and the alternative conditional *-chuwan*; the amv dialect additionally uses the alternative con-

<sup>6</sup> I am very grateful to Peter Landerman for correcting me with regard to the classification of Chocos, which I had originally misclassified with Madeán and Viñac.

<sup>7</sup> Crucially, though, vowel length is not distinctive anywhere else in the grammar or lexicon of these dialects. For example, these dialects use the qii *-naya*, *-raya*, and *-paya*, not the qi *-na:*, *-ra:*, and *-pa:* to mark the desiderative, passive, and continuative, respectively. And all districts but Cacra use *tiya-*, not *ta:-* 'sit', again sorting with the qii languages.

<sup>8</sup> The ch dialect is unique in using *-traw* in alternation with both *-pi* and *-pa* for the locative.

### 1.5 Classification

ditional *-waq.* Crucially, however, the three "qi" syq dialects, too, use three of these: *-cha*, *-ari* and *-chuwan*. Further, all five share with Ayacucho Q the unique use of the evidential modifier *-ki*. None of the five manifest any of the other defining traits of the qiic languages: none uses *-ku* to indicate the first-person plural exclusive or the third-person plural; nor does any use *-chka*<sup>9</sup> to form the progressive or *-nka* to form the distributive. Further, none suffered the fusion of \*/tr/ with \*/ch/ or \*/sh/ with \*/s/. (See Cerrón-Palomino (1987: 226–248) on the defining characteristics of the various Quechuan languages) Rather, the dialects of Southern Yauyos are mutually intelligible, and they together share characteristics that set them apart from all the otherQuechuan languages. With the single exception that ch uses the accusative form *-Kta* in place of *-ta*, all five dialects employ the same case system, which includes the unique ablative form *-paq* and unique locative *-pi*. All dialects use the progressive form *-ya*; <sup>10</sup> all employ the plural *-kuna* with non-exhaustive meaning; and all employ the same unique system of evidential modification (see §6.2.11.4). Further, with a single exception,<sup>11</sup> the five dialects are uniform phonologically, all employing a highly conservative system<sup>12</sup> that retains all those phonemes hypothesized by Parker and Cerrón-Palomino to have been included in the Proto-Quechua (see §2.3). Table 1.2, below, summarizes this information. Please note that the table presents a somewhat idealized portrait and that the characteristics it posits as belonging exclusively to qii may sometimes be found in qi languages as well. Exceptions of which I am aware are signaled in notes to the table.

The case of Azángaro-Chocos-Huangáscar requires particular attention in this context. Torero (1968: 293, 1974: 28–29) classified Azángaro and Huangáscar as forming an independent group with Topará (Chavín), placing it among the qi *Huancay* languages. Cerrón-Palomino (1987: 236), following Torero, cites five cri-

<sup>9</sup> Although all use *-chka*, unproductively except in sp, to indicate simultaneous action that persists in time.

<sup>10</sup> One of many attested reductions from \*-*yka*: (*-yka:*, *-yka*, *-yga*, *-ycha:*, *-yya:*, *-yya-*, *-ya:*, and *-ya*) (Hintz 2011: 213–219, 260–268, 290). I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out to me.

<sup>11</sup> In the ch dialect, as in neighboring Junín, the protomorphemes \*/r/, \*/s/, and \*/h/ are sometimes realized as [l], [h], and [sh], respectively. I have no explanation for why these alternations occur in some cases but not in others. Indeed, it may be the case that where ch differs from the rest of the dialects in that it employs \*/sh/where they employ \*/h/, it is the former that preserves the oriɡinal form.

<sup>12</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that other Quechuan languages, Corongo among them, for example, are more conservative than Yauyos with respect to some features, including the preservation of the protoform \*ñ in \*ñi- 'say' and ña:-ña 'right now'. Sihuas, too, preserves elements of proto Quechua not found in Yauyos. In contrast, while Yauyos preserves a few proto-Quechua features not found in either Corongo or Sihuas, it also manifests others that reflect innovations likely adopted from neighboring QII languages.

### 1 Introduction

### Table 1.2: Use of qi, qii and local structures in the five syq dialects


Note:


<sup>(</sup>a) An anonymous reviewer points out that this is not exclusively a feature of qii languages in that the fusion of \*/ch/ and \*/tr/ is attested in Huallaga, a qi variety.

### 1.5 Classification

teria for grouping Huangáscar with Topará. Both dialects, he writes, use *-pa:ku* and *-:ri* to indicate the plural; both use *-shpa* in place of *-r* to form same-subject subordinate clauses; and both use *-tamu* to indicate completed action; the two dialects, further, are alike in using unusual locative and ablative case-marking. Only three of these claims are accurate. First, Huangáscar, as Taylor (1984) already indicated, does not use *-:ri*. Second, Huangáscar and Topará may indeed both use unusual locative and ablative case marking, but, crucially, they do not use the same unusual case marking: Huangáscar uses *-pa* to indicate the locative while Topará uses *-man*; Huangáscar uses *-paq* to indicate the ablative while Topará uses *-pa* (C.-P. himself points out these last two facts). Huangáscar does indeed use *-shpa* to form subordinate clauses and *-tamu* to indicate irreversible change. Crucially, however, so do all the dialects of southern Yauyos. In sum, there is no basis for grouping Huangáscar with Topará and not with the other dialects of syq. Torero's data were never corroborated; indeed, the findings of Taylor and Landerman, the scholars who have most thoroughly studied Yauyos before now,<sup>13</sup> contradict those of Torero.

syq is not a jumble of dialects that, were it not for geographical accident, would not be classed together; it is, rather, a unique, largely uniform language. Although I myself do not believe that the current paradigm can be maintained, I have tried to present the data in a way that remains as neutral as possible with regard to the question of how the internal diversity within the Quechuan language family is best characterized, and, in particular, with regard to the question of whether or not the various Quechuan languages are helpfully construed as belonging to one or the other of two branches of a family tree (See in particular Adelaar 2008). I leave it to other scholars to interpret the data as they see fit. That said, as long as it is maintained, the current paradigm should be revised to more accurately reflect the relationships of syq with/to the languages currently named on the Quechuan family tree as it is currently drawn. That tree groups nine of the eleven districts of southern Yauyos into five sets, assigning each of these sets the status of an independent language. Moreover, two of these sets are actually singletons, as Chocos is listed independent of (Azángaro-)Huangáscar, to which it is identical, and Apurí is listed independent of Madeán(-Viñac), to which it is identical. (Cacra-Hongos, the set that would deserve independent placement, if any did, appears nowhere at all). The fact that all these "languages" are completely mutually intelligible does not justify this. It further seems un-

<sup>13</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that Martha Hardman, Steve Echerd, Rick Floyd, Conrad Phelps – in addition to several students from Universidad San Marcos – have given Yauyos extensive attention, although they may not have added to the storehouse of data on the language.

### 1 Introduction

justified to place the Quechua of single villages on the level of that of whole nations – Bolivia and Ecuador. I suggest, therefore, that Chocos be joined with (Azángaro-)Huangáscar, and Apurí with Madeán(-Viñac). The first of these new triplets, Azángaro-Chocos-Hunagáscar, should be mutated to join the other "languages" of southern Yauyos, under the category *Central Yungay*. The four sets should, further, be collapsed and the resulting set called *Southern Yauyos*. The revised (pruned) tree would then be as in Figure 1.4. In the event that it be necessary to honor the internal diversity that would be obscured by this move, note may simply be made to the fact that this "new" language counts multiple dialects. In this case, Cacra-Hongos and San Pedro de Huacarpana would have to be listed among these.<sup>14</sup>

Adapted from source:

http://lingweb.eva.mpg.de/quechua/Eng/Cpv/Locations.htm#TheTraditionalQuechuaFamilyTree

Figure 1.4: Quechuan languages family tree revised

<sup>14</sup> I regret having to list Laraos independently here, as I believe it is possible to make a convincing argument for its inclusion as a dialect of Southern Yauyos. Nothing in this volume, however, directly speaks to that question. I plan to address it explicitly in a future paper.

1.6 Presentation

### **1.6 Presentation**

To facilitate comparison with other Quechuan languages, the presentation here follows the structure of the six Quechua grammars published by the Peruvian government in 1976. Readers familiar with those grammars will note the obvious debt this one owes to those: it follows not just their format, but also, in large part, their analysis. The six 1976 grammars cover the Quechuas of Ancash, Ayacucho, Cajamarca, Cuzco, Huanca and San Martín. (Parker 1976; Soto Ruiz 1976a; Quesada Castillo 1976; Cusihuamán Gutiérrez 1976; Cerrón-Palomino 1976a; Coombs, Coombs & Weber 1976). Other published grammars of Quechuan languages include Herrero & Lozada (1978) on Bolivian Quechua; Catta (1994) on EcuadorianQuechua; Taylor (1994) on Ferreñafe; Weber (1989) on Huallaga (Huanuco);<sup>15</sup> Cole (1982) on Imbabura; Adelaar (1977) description of Tarma Quechua and his (1986) morphology of Pacaraos; as well as the surveys and compilations of Cerrón-Palomino (1987); Cerrón-Palomino & Solís-Fonesca (1990), and Cole, Hermon & Martín (1994).

Words and phrases appearing in italics – *like this* – are in Quechua. English and Spanish interpretations appear in single quotation marks – 'like this'. Interpretations are sometimes given in Spanish – the language I used with my consultants<sup>16</sup> – as well as English. Transformations (illustrations of changes indicated as a result of morphological processes referenced) are indicated with arrows – *like* → *like\_this*. Quechua words are broken into component morphemes, like this: *warmi-kuna*. It is the morpheme relevant to the topic in focus that is in bold.

Each section and major subsection begins with an account of the topic under consideration. Terminal subsections supply more extended discussion and further examples, generally about 10, often as many as 30 or even 40. All examples except those indicated with a dagger are taken from the corpus of recordings collected during the course of the documentation of the language. Those with a dagger were elicited. Transcriptions can be checked against the original recordings by downloading the compilation of recordings archived with the corpus,

<sup>15</sup> Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out. Hintz (2011) supplies a grammar of aspect and related categories in Quechua, especially South Conchucos Quechua (Ancash).

<sup>16</sup> Indeed, all English glosses are my translations from the Spanish glosses my consultants originally supplied. In most cases, the Spanish translations reflected the syntax and semantics of the original Quechua. I sacrificed this in preparing the the English glosses that appear here. I made this choice because the more literal glosses are standard in Andean Spanish – in structures like the possessive 'su n de a' ('his n of a') – they would not be standard in any English dialect of which I am aware.

### 1 Introduction

typing a couple of words from either the example or its gloss into the search bar and following the recording title and time signature back to the original recording. I am also happy to supply this information. Source titles refer to .eaf files archived with DoBeS and AILLA. File names include three elements: the place in which the recording was made, the initials of the principal participant, and a word or two recalling the principal topic(s). For example, the file Vinac\_JC\_- Cure was made in Viñac, has for its principal participant Jesús Centeno and for its principal topic a curing ceremony. Because of restrictions on file names, no accents are used. So, Az**á**ngaro is rendered "Az**a**ngaro" and so on.

Glosses were prepared in accord with the Leipzig glossing rules. For reasons of space, two deviations from the standard abbreviations were made: "proximal demonstrative" is not rendered "dem.prox" but "dem.p"; and "distal demonstrative" is not rendered "dem.dist" but "dem.d". Gloss codes are listed with the notational conventions at page xi, in the section with that name.

### **1.7 Fieldwork**

The fieldwork upon which this document is based was conducted in June and July of 2010; January through April 2011; August through December 2011; April through September 2012; and for a total of 10 months between October 2012 and July 2014. The second of these trips was funded by a faculty development grant from San José State University; the third through sixth, by two National Endowment for the Humanities-National Science Foundation Documenting Endangered Languages fellowships (FN-50099-11 and FN-50109-12).

The corpus counts 206 distinct audio and audio-video recordings. The recordings, totaling over 71 hours, were made in the seven districts of Southern Yauyos – Apurí, Azángaro, Cacra, Chocos, Hongos, Huangáscar, Lincha, Madeán, and Viñac – as well as in the district of San Pedro de Huacarpana in Chincha. Recordings include stories, songs, riddles, spontaneous dialogue, personal narrative, and descriptions of traditional activities, crafts and healing practices. Over 28 hours of recordings were transcribed, translated and glossed. The recordings as well as the ELAN time-aligned transcriptions and accompanying videos are archived both at The DoBeS project, housed at the Max Planck Institute in Nijmegen, The Netherlands, and at the Archive of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America at the University of Texas, Austin, USA. All materials can be accessed via those institutions' websites, http://www.mpi.nl/DOBES/ and http:// www.ailla.utexas.org/. The more popular video recordings – many transcribed – can also be easily accessed via endangeredlanguages.com. All examples that follow except those noted † were taken from this corpus. It is my hope that these examples will give the reader a sense of the life that supported and was supported by the language.

Unicode was used for character encoding; audio and video recordings were saved in the standard formats – PCM wav 44.1/32 bits, .mpg, and .mpeg; unstructured texts were saved as plain text; structured texts have XML-based underlying schemas. Recording equipment includes a Marantz PMD 660 solid state digital audio recorder (pre-January 2013 recordings); a Roland R-26 solid state audio recorder; an AudioTechnica 831b cardioid condenser microphone (pre-May 2012 recordings); a Sennheiser MKH 8060 cardioid condenser microphone; and a Canon Vixia HF S100 HD flash memory camcorder. Transcriptions, translations and glosses were prepared with ELAN; Audacity was used for editing audio recordings; iMovie for video recordings. All work was done on a MacBook Pro (pre-July 2011 recordings) or MacBook Air (post-July 2011 recordings).

Exactly one hundred participants contributed recordings: AA, DO, Pedro Carrún (Apurí); Victoria Díaz, Gabino Huari, Ernestina Huari, Efrén Yauri (Madeán); Isabel Chávez (Tayamarka); Dona Alvarado, Eudosia Alvarado, Pripodina Auris, Jesus Centeno, Meli Chávez, Delfina Chullukuy, Martina Guerra, Victoria Guerra, Carmen Huari, Aleka Madueño, Acención Madueño, Melania Madueño, Hilda Quispe, Angélica Romero, Saturnina Utcañe (Viñac);Margarita Madueño (Casa Blanca); Floriana Centeno, Emilia Guerra (Esmeralda); Juana Huari, Leonarda Huari, Neri Huari, Corsinia Javier, CeciliaQuispe (Florida); AB (Ortigal); Octavia Arco, Bautista Cárdenas (Llanka); Octavio Sulluchuco (Qanta); Cecilia Guerra, Emiliano Rojas (Qunyari); María Guerra, Teresa Guerra, Alejandra Quispe (Shutco); Alejandrina Centeno, Macedonia Centeno, Soylita Chullunkuy, Hida Evangelista, Soylita Huari (Tambopata); Urbana Yauri (Yuracsayhua); Anselma Caja, Filipa Postillón (Azángaro); Genoveva Rodríguez, Lucía Rodríguez (Colca); Fortunato Gutiérrez, Isak Gutiérrez (Marcalla); Alcibiada Rodríguez (Puka Rumi); Victorina Aguado, Senovia Gutiérrez (Villaflor); Honorato B., Bonifacia de la Cruz, Julia Mayta (Chocos); Benedicta Lázaro, CW, Luisa Gutiérez, PP, Victoria Quispe, Teódolo Rodríguez, Natividad Saldaña (Huangáscar); Grutilda Saldaño; Eudisia Vicente (Tapalla); Iris Barrosa, Maximina Barrosa, Regina Huamán (Cacra); Archi V., Eduardo Centeno, Dina Huamán, Leona Huamán, SA, Sabina Huamán, Senaida Oré, Hipólita Santos, Maximina Tupac, Erlinda Vicente (Hongos); Ninfa Flores, Anselma Vicente, Sofía Vicente (Lincha); Amador Flores, Gabina Flores, Lucio Flores, Dina Lázaro, Elisa Mancha, Isabel Mancha (Tana); Santa Ayllu, Edwin Fuentes, Neli Fuentes, Elvira Huamán, Sofía Huamán, Lucía Martinez, RF, Rosa O., Maximina Paloma, Juan Páucar (Liscay).

### 1 Introduction

For help with transcription and the lexicon, unending thanks to Benedicta Lázaro and Martina Reynoso (ach); Mila Chávez, Delfina Chullunkuy, Esther Madueño, Hilda Quispe, and Celia Rojas (amv); Iris Barrosa, Gloria Cuevas, Senaida Oré, Hipólita Santos, and Erlinda Vicente, (ch); Ninfa Flores and Sofía Vicente (lt); and Santa Ayllu, Elvira Huamán, Sofía Huamán, and Maximina Paloma (sp).

### **1.8 A note to Quechuanists and typologists**

Those already familiar with Quechuan languages will likely be interested in the tables and sections listed in Tables 1.3 and 1.4 immediately below. These indicate differences between Southern Yauyos Quechua and other Quechuan languages as well as differences among the various dialects of syq. The footnotes appearing in these sections may be of interest as well. Those familiar with the literature on Quechuan languages will immediately recognize the presentation and analysis here as very much derivative of much previous work on those languages.

Table 1.3: Tables of more interest to Quechuanists


### 1.8 A note to Quechuanists and typologists

### Table 1.4: Sections of more interest to Quechuanists


### 1 Introduction

### **1.9 Broader interest**

Yauyos should be of particular interest to semanticists as well as to students of language contact. Semanticists may find the language's unusual evidential system of interest, while students of language contact may want to look for evidence of contact between the districts where Yauyos is spoken – that of Cacra-Hongos in particular – with the three Aymara-speaking districts in the same region of the province.

### **1.9.1 Semantics – evidentials**

For typologists and semanticists, Yauyos' evidential system should be of interest. Evidentials, broadly speaking, are generally said to indicate the type of the speaker's source of information. syq, like most other Quechuan languages, employs a three-term system,<sup>17</sup> indicating direct, reportative, and inferred evidence (*i.e.* the speaker has personal-experience evidence for *P*, the speaker has non-personal-experience evidence for *P*, or the speaker infers *P* based on either personal- or non-personal-experience evidence). In syq, the three evidentials are realized *-mI*, *-shI*, and *-trI* (See Floyd (1999) on Wanka Quechua; Faller (2003) on Cuzco Quechua). The evidential system of syq is of particular interest because it employs a second three-term system of evidential modifiers. The evidential system of syq thus counts nine members: *-mI*, *-mik*, and *-miki*; *-shI*, *-shik*, and *-shiki*; and *-trI*, *-trik*, and *-triki*. The *-I -ik*, and *-iki* forms are not allomorphs: they receive different interpretations. §6.2.11 describes this system in detail. (For further formal analysis, see Shimelman 2012 and Shimelman 2014).

### **1.9.2 Language contact – Aymara**

For students of language contact, it is the contact of Yauyos with Aymara that should be of particular interest.<sup>18</sup> The northern branch of the Aymara family is situated entirely in the province of Yauyos (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 173): the Aymaran languages Kawki and Jaqaru are spoken in the central Yauyos municipalities of Cachuy, Aysa and Tupe. There are, further, reports dating from the beginning of the 20th century of other Aymaran-speaking communities in the

<sup>17</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that South Conchucos has a 5-choice evidential system, and Sihuas a 6-choice system (Hintz & Hintz 2017), while Huallaga has a 4-choice system (Weber 1989).

<sup>18</sup> Contact of Quechuan languages with Spanish, of course, is of interest here, as it is in all Quechuan languages.

### 1.9 Broader interest

province (174).<sup>19</sup> I was unable to find evidence of any unusual lexical borrowing in Yauyos, *i.e.*, of words – like (*pampa-* 'bury') – not also attested in other Quechuan languages. That said, the lexicon I assembled includes only 2000 words, in large part because the vocabulary of the language has been much-reduced, as is to be expected, given that such reduction is one of the symptoms of extreme language endangerment. Those more familiar with the Aymaran languages may, however, still be able to find evidence of calquing or structural influence.

<sup>19</sup> On Aymara and the relationship of Quechua and Aymara see, among others, Adelaar with Muysken (2004: 259–317) and Cerrón-Palomino (1994; 2000). On Jaqaru, see, among others, Hardman (1966; 1983; 2000).

# **2 Phonology and morphophonemics**

This chapter covers the syllable structure, stress pattern, phonemic inventory, and morphophonemics of Southern Yauyos Quechua.

### **2.1 Introduction and summary**

The syllable structure, stress pattern, phonemic inventory, and morphophonemics of syq are not extraordinary. Indeed, what is most extraordinary about them is precisely how unextraordinary they are: syq is, phonologically, extraordinarily conservative,<sup>1</sup> with four of its five dialects essentially instantiating the systems proposed for Proto-Quechua in Landerman (1991), Cerrón-Palomino (1987: ch.4). All syq dialects retain contrasts between (1) [č] and [ĉ]; (2) [k], [q] and [h]; (3) [l] and [λ]; (4) [n] and [ň]; and (5) [s] and [š].

(1) While in Ecuador, Columbia, Bolivia, Argentina, the east and south of Peru, as well as in Sihuas, Ambo-Pasco, Tarma, Wanka, Lambayeque, Chachapoyas and Cajamarca,<sup>2</sup> \*/ĉ/ underwent deretroflection, syq retains Proto-Quechua forms like *trina* 'female', *trupa* 'tail', *katrka-* 'gnaw', and *qutra* 'lagoon'. In syq, *traki* 'foot' contrasts with *chaki* 'dry'.

(2) \*/q/ was neither velarized nor glottalized in syq (which is not to say that these processes are the norm). The language retains, for example, the pq forms *qusa* 'husband', *qasa-* 'freeze', *waqa-* 'cry', *aqu* 'sand', *uqu-* 'wet', *wiqaw* 'waist', *waqra* 'horn', and *atuq* 'fox'. syq thus retains contrasts like those between *qiru* 'stick' and *kiru* 'tooth'; *qilla* 'lazy' and *killa* 'moon'. \*/h/ appears in syq, as in pq, principally word-initially, as in *hapi-* 'grab', *hampi-* 'cure', and *haya-* 'be bitter'.

(4) In syq, [ň] did not undergo depalatalization as it did in theQuechuas of Central Peru. [ň] figures in the first-person personal pronoun *ñuqa* as well as in lexemes such as *ñaka-ri-* 'suffer', *ñaña* 'sister', *ñiti-* 'crush', *ñawsa* 'blind', and *ñañu*

<sup>1</sup> Other phonologically conservative Quechuan languages include Sihuas, which, like Yauyos, retains contrasts between \*/ch/ and \*/tr/, \*/ll/ and \*/l/, as well as \*/sh/ and \*/s/. Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out.

<sup>2</sup> Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for calling my attention to the final examples here.

### 2 Phonology and morphophonemics

'thin'. Examples of [n]/[ň] minimal pairs include *ana* 'mole' and *aña-* 'scold'; and *na* dmy and *ña* disc.

(5) [š] suffered depalatalization throughout the south. syq, however, retains Proto-Quechua forms such as *shimi* 'mouth', *shunqu* 'heart', *shipash* 'maiden', *washa* 'back', *ishkay*, 'two', and *mishki* 'sweet'. [s]/[š] minimal pairs include *suqu* 'gray hair' and *shuqu-* 'sip'. One also finds contrasts between the nativeborrowed pairs *ashta-* 'move' and *asta* 'until'; and *asha-* 'yawn' and *asa-* 'anger'.

None of the dialects includes ejectives or aspirates in its phonemic inventory.

Vowel length is contrastive in the grammars but not the lexicons of the dialects of Azángaro-Chocos-Huangáscar, Cacra-Hongos and San Pedro. In these dialects, as in all the qi (qb) languages with the exception of Pacaraos, vowel length marks the first person in both the nominal (possessive) and verbal paradigms (*wasi-:* 'my house' and *puri-:* 'I walk'). The Cacra-Hongos dialect is unique among the five in that, there, the protomorpheme \*/r/ is generally but not uniformly realized as [l], and word-initial \*/s/ and \*/h/ are generally but not uniformly realized as [h], and [š], respectively.<sup>3</sup> The first of these mutations it has in common with neighboring Junín.

A note on \*/l/ Cerrón-Palomino – like (Torero 1964), but unlike Parker (1969) – does not include \*/l/ in his catalogue of proto-phonemes. He admits, however, that the status of \*/l/ is controversial. While it does occur in a small number of proto-morphemes, and, indeed, both /l/ and /ll/ occur in all of the qi contemporary varieties in Ancash and Huanuco, except for Humalies and Margos (thanks to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out), he calls it "*Un elemento marginal y parasitario*" ("a marginal and parasitic element"). He admits, however, that the hypothesis that pq included palatal lateral (/ll/) but not a alveolar lateral (/l/) runs into the problem that the universal tendency is that the presence of /ll/ depends on the presence of /l/, but not vice versa Cerrón-Palomino (1987: 123). W. Adelaar (p.c.) writes, "In support of the controversial status of \*/l/ which runs against the universal tendency that /λ/ presupposes /l/, there is the case of Amuesha (Yanesha'). This language has a generalized palatal vs. non-palatal opposition in its consonant inventory, but precisely \*/l/ is missing (apparently an areal feature shared with Quechua)." I have postulated an /l/ for syq, as both [λ]

<sup>3</sup> W. Adelaar (p.c.) writes that, at least with regard to the examples given here and below, the "Cacra-Hongos development of \*/s/ to /h/ is found throughout Junín (with the exception of Jauja). These dialects also use *shamu-*, instead of *hamu-*. The first form […] is typical for Quechua I, and also for Ecuador and San Martín. *shamu-* may be older than *hamu-*," he writes, "but the correspondence is largely unpredictable according to dialects." An anonymous reviewer adds that Sihuas retains \*/s/ in *sama-* 'rest', *saru-* 'step on', *sayta-* 'kick', and *sita*- 'hit', among others.

### 2.2 Syllable structure and stress pattern

and [l] appear in more than just a few marginal lexemes. [λ] appears in syq lexemes like *llaki* 'sadness', *lluqsi-* 'exit', *allin* 'good', *allqu* 'dog', *tullu* 'bone', *ayllu* 'family', *wallqa* 'garland', and *kallpa* 'strength', among many others. As for [l], as noted in §2.3, it appears, first, as an allomorph of /r/ in the ch dialect. It also appears in exclamations like *¡alaláw!* 'how cold!' and *¡añaláw!* 'how beautiful!' (which occur in Jaqaru, a neighboring Aymara language, as well Castro 1995), as well as in onomatopoetic terms like *luqluqluqya-* 'make the sound of boiling'. Finally, crucially, [l] also appears in a non-negligible number of semantically contentful lexemes, including *lapu-* 'slap', *lapcha-* 'touch', *laqatu* 'slug', *lashta* 'snow', *lawka-* 'feed a fire', *layqa-* 'bewitch', *lani* 'penis', *lumba* 'without horns', *alpaka* 'alpaca', *almi-* 'forge a river', and *alqalli* 'testicle'. [l]/[λ] minimal pairs can be found in contemporary syq in the ch dialect where [l] is an allomorph of /r/. These pairs include *laki-* 'separate' and *llaki-* 'grieve'; *tali-* 'find' and *talli-* 'pour'; *lunku* 'sack' and *llunku* 'picky'; and *lulu* 'kidney' and *llullu* 'unripe'.

§2.2 treats syllable structure and stress pattern; §2.3, phonemic inventory and morphophonemics; §2.4, Spanish loan words.

### **2.2 Syllable structure and stress pattern**

Syllable structure in syq, as in other Quechuan languages, is (C)V(C) except in borrowed words. That is, syllables of the form CCV and VCC are prohibited. One vowel does not follow another without an intervening consonant, *i.e.*, sequences of the form VV are prohibited. Only the first syllable of a word may begin with a vowel (*a.pa-* 'bring'; *ach.ka* 'a lot').

As in the overwhelming majority of Quechuan languages, primary stress falls on the penultimate syllable of a word (compare *yanápa-n* 'he helps' and *yanapáya-n* 'he is helping'; *awá-rqa* 'he wove' and *awa-rqá-ni* 'I wove'). The first syllable of a word with more than four syllables generally receives weak stress. There are two exceptions to this rule. First, in all dialects, exclamations often receive stress on the ultimate syllable (*¡Achachák!* 'What a fright!' *¡Achachalláw!* 'How awful!'). Second, in those dialects where vowel length indicates the first person, stress falls on the ultimate syllable just in case person marking is not followed by any other suffix (*uyari-yá-:* 'I am listening', *ri-rá-:* 'I went').<sup>4</sup>

<sup>4</sup> It is worth noting that this is phenomenon is far from universal: as an anonymous reviewer points out, "all of the AncashQuechua varieties mark first person with vowel length, but stress never falls on the lengthened syllable in word-final position. The same is true for Huamalies in western Huanuco. The phenomenon [described here for Yauyos] does hold for Huallaga in central Huanuco, as described by Weber (1989)".

### 2 Phonology and morphophonemics

### **2.3 Phonemic inventory and morphophonemics**

syq counts three native vowel phonemes: /a/, /i/, and **/u/**. In words native to syq, the closed vowels /i/ and **/u/** have mid and lax allomorphs [e], [ɪ] and [o], [υ], respectively. That is, in words native to syq, no member of either of the triples {[i], [e], [ɪ]} or {[u], [o], [υ]}, is contrastive with any other member of the same triple. The alternations [i] ~ [e] and [u] ~ [o] are conditioned by environment: the second member of each pair appears in a syllable including /q/ (/qilla/ 'lazy' → [qeλa], /atuq/ 'fox' → [atoq]).<sup>5</sup>

Vowel length is contrastive in the morphologies but not the lexicons of the dialects of ach, ch and sp. In these dialects – as in all the qi (qb) languages with the exception of Pacaraos – vowel length marks the first person in both the substantive (possessive) and verbal paradigms (*wawa-:* 'my house' and *puri-:* 'I walk' (rendered '*wawa-y*' and *puri-ni* in the amv and lt dialects))<sup>6</sup> .

In all dialects, the consonant inventory counts seventeen native and six borrowed phonemes. The native phonemes include voiceless plosives /p/, /t/, /ch/, /tr/, /k/ and /q/; voiceless fricatives /s/, /sh/ and /h/; nasals /m/, /n/ and /ñ/; laterals /l/ and /ll/; tap /r/; and approximants /w/ and /y/. Borrowed from Spanish are voiced plosives /b/, /d/ and /ɡ/;<sup>7</sup> voiceless fricative /f/; voiced fricative /v/; and trill /rr/. In the Cacra-Hongos dialect, the protomorpheme \*/r/ is generally but not uniformly realized as [l] (\**runa* > *luna* 'person', \**ri-y* > *li-y* 'go!', \**harka-* > *halka-* 'herd'), and word-initial \*/s/ and \*/h/ are generally but not uniformly realized as [h]<sup>8</sup> and [ʃ] (\**sapa* > *hapa* 'alone', \**surqu-* > *hurqu-* 'take out',

<sup>5</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that "the most complete grammars ofQuechuan languages show several lexemes with mid vowels that are not conditioned by /q/. See, for example, the discussions in Cusihuamán Gutiérrez (1976: 46–51) on Cuzco and in Swisshelm (1972: xiv–xv) on Ancash. Similar mid vowel data are found in Ayacucho, Santiago del Estero, Cajamarca, San Martin, Huallaga, and Corongo, among others. It would be surprising (and noteworthy!) if SYQ has no such lexemes, in contrast to otherQuechuan languages across the family." I cannot at this point confirm either that Yauyos does or does not have such lexemes.

<sup>6</sup> It is worth noting that in some qi varieties – Huaylas, South Conchucos and Huamalies among them – lengthened high vowels lower to mid vowels, e. g. , /wayi-:/ [waye:], /puri-:/ [pure:]. Thanks to an anonymous reviwer for pointing this out.

<sup>7</sup> In syq, \*/p/ \*/t/ and \*/k/ were not sonorized. syq retains pq forms like *wampu* 'boat' and *shimpa* 'braid'; *inti* 'sun' and *anta* 'copper-colored'; and *punki* 'swell' and *punku* 'door, entryway'.

<sup>8</sup> This is hardly unique to Yauyos, occurring in notably in the lects of Yauyos' immediate neighbor to the north, Junín. In ch, as in the qb lects generally, many stems retain initial /s/: *supay* 'phantom', *sipi* 'root', *siki* 'behind', *supi* 'fart', *suwa-* 'to rob', *sinqa* 'nose', *sasa* 'hard', and *siqna* 'wrinkle'. ch also shares with Junín the mutation of r to l. ch patterns with Huanca with regard to all but one of the phonological innovations common to the lects of other qb regions. For example, ch and Huanca retain ñ and ll, ch and tr.

### 2.3 Phonemic inventory and morphophonemics

\**hamu-* > *shamu-* 'come', \**hampatu* > *shampatu* 'frog'). Further examples include: *saru-* > *haru-* 'trample', *sara* > *hara* 'corn', *siqa-* > *hiqa-* 'go up', *sira-* > *hila-* 'sew', *sama* > *hama* 'rest'. Examples of native and borrowed lexemes that resist these mutations include *riqsi-* 'become acquainted' and *riga-* 'irrigate'; *siki* 'behind' and *sapu* 'frog'; and *hapi-* 'grab'). In Lincha and Tana – Cacra and Hongos' immediate neighbors to the north-east and south-west, respectively – speakers may realize word-initial \*/r/ and \*/s/ as [l] and [h], respectively, in a few cases (\**runku-* > *lunku-* 'bag', \**sapa* > *hapa* 'alone'). These substitutions are not systematic, however, and remain exceptions.

Tables 2.1, 2.2, and 2.3 give the vowel inventory, consonant inventory, and morphophonemics of syq. If the orthographic form differs either from the usual orthographic symbol among Andean linguists or from the IPA symbol, these are noted in square brackets. Parentheses indicate a non-indigenous phoneme.

Table 2.1: Vowel inventory


Table 2.2: Consonant inventory


### 2 Phonology and morphophonemics

Table 2.3: Morphophonemics


### **2.4 Spanish loan words**

As detailed in §1.2, syq is extremely endangered: all but the most elderly speakers are bilingual and, indeed, Spanish-dominant. As a result, individual speakers are not limited by the constraints of Quechuan phonology and generally pronounce loan words with something very close to their original syllable structure and phonemes, even where these do not conform to the constraints ofQuechuan phonology. With that said, where restructuring does take place, it does so according to the rules detailed in §2.4.1.

### **2.4.1 Spanish loan word restructuring**

*Syllable structure violations – vowel sequences.* In cases where the loaned word includes the prohibited sequence \*VV, syq, like other Quechuan languages, generally applies one of three strategies: (a) the elimination of one or the other of the two vowels (*aceite* → *asiti* 'oil'); (b) the replacement of one of the two vowels by a semiconsonant (*cuerpo* →*kwirpu* 'body', *sueño* →*suyñu* 'dream'); or (c) the insertion of a semiconsonant between the two vowels (*cualquiera* → *kuwalkiyera* 'any').

### 2.4 Spanish loan words

*Syllable structure violations – consonant sequences.* In case the loaned word includes a syllable of the prohibited form \*CCV or \*VCC, syq, again, like other Quechuan languages, employs one of two strategies: (a) the elimination of one of the two consonants (*gringo* → *ringu* 'gringo') or (b) the insertion of an epenthetic vowel (*groche* → *guruchi* 'hook', 'crochet').

*Stress pattern violations.* Speakers vary in the extent to which they restructure borrowed Spanish terms to conform to Quechua stress pattern. Plentiful are examples of both practices:

Table 2.4: Loan word restructuring


Words of five or more syllables permit the preservation of the original Spanish stress pattern in the interior of a word that still adheres to theQuechua pattern of assigning stress to the penultimate syllable (*timblúr-wan-ráq-tri* 'with an earthquake, still, for sure' (Sp *temblór* 'earthquake')).

*Phonemic inventory – consonants.* Spanish loan words often feature consonants foreign to the syq inventory: voiced plosives /b/, /d/ and /ɡ/; voiceless fricative /f/; voiced fricative /v/; and trill /rr/. It might be expected that [b] and [d] would be systematically replaced with their voiceless counterparts, [p] and [t], and that trill [r] would, similarly, be replaced by tap/flap [ɾ]. Speakers of syq, even the oldest, do not in fact regularly replace these or other non-native phonemes (*balde* → *baldi* 'bucket'; *doctor* → *duktur* 'doctor'; *carro* → *karru* 'car'; *fiesta* → *fiysta* 'festival'; *velar* → *vilaku-* 'watch', 'hold vigil').

*Phonemic inventory – vowels.* The inventory of Spanish vowels includes two foreign to syq: /o/ and /e/ (*Dios* 'God'; *leche* 'milk'). As detailed in §2.3, in words native to syq, [o] and [e] are allophones of **/u/** and /i/, respectively. It is to be expected, then, that speakers would systematically replace the [o] and [e] of Spanish loan words with native correlates [u] and [i], respectively (*sapo* → *sapu* 'frog'; *cerveza* → *sirbisa* 'beer'). This does indeed occur. More commonly, however, [o] and [e] are either replaced by the **/u/** and /i/ allophones [υ] and [ɪ]

### 2 Phonology and morphophonemics

(*cosa* → [kυsa] 'thing', *tele* → [tɪlɪ] 'TV') or, even, not replaced at all. The realization of non-native vowels varies both among speakers and also among words: different speakers render the same word differently and individual speakers render the same phoneme differently in different words.

*Special case: ado.* Spanish loan words ending in -ado – with the non-native /d/ and /o/ – present a special case. -ado is generally rendered [aw] in syq (*apurado* → *apuraw* 'quick'; *lado* → *law* 'place'). <sup>9</sup>

Finally, restructuring to accommodate any of the three – stress pattern, syllable structure or phonemic inventory – does not depend on restructuring to accommodate any of the others. That is, stress pattern can be restructured to eliminate violations of syq constraints, while violations of constraints on syllable structure or phonemic inventory are left unrestructured, and similarly for any of the six possible permutations of the three.

### **2.4.2 Loan word orthography**

I have chosen an orthography that makes use of all and only the letters appearing in Tables 2 and 2.1, above. Orthography rather strictly follows pronunciation in the case of consonants in both indigenous and borrowed words; in the case of vowels in borrowed words, it is something of an idealization (*i.e.*, it should not in these cases be mistaken for phonetic transcription).

This alphabet does not include the letters *c*, *j*, *z*, *e* or *o*, all of which occur in the original Spanish spelling of many borrowed words. Spanish *c*, *j* and *z* have been replaced with their syq phonetic equivalents: "hard" *c* is replaced with *k*; "soft" *c* with *s*; *j* with *h*; and *z* with *s*. Thus, the borrowed Spanish words *caja* ('box', 'coffin') and *cerveza* ('beer') are rendered *kaha* and *sirbisa*, with no change in the pronunciation of the relevant consonants in either case. Spanish *e* and *o*, appearing simply, are replaced with *i* and *u* (*compadre* → *kumpadri*). Spanish vowel sequences including *e* and *o* are replaced as shown in Table 2.5.

In the special case where the sequence *ue* or *ua* is preceded by *h* – generally not not necessarily silent in Spanish – *h* and *u* together are replaced by the semiconsonant [w] (*huérfano* → *wirfanu* 'orphan').

<sup>9</sup> An anonymous reviewer has brought it to my attention that "in many qi languages, such as several varieties in Ancash,-ado → /a:/, e.g, *apura:*. In fact, -la: has become a case suffix 'at, near' that competes with the semantic territory of the native locative."

I have deviated from these practices only in the case of proper names, spelling these as they are standardly spelled in Spanish. Thus, Cañete and San Jerónimo, for example, are *not* rendered, as they would be under the above conventions, *Kañiti* and *San Hirunimu*. 'Dios' ('God') is treated as a proper name.


Table 2.5: Loan word orthography

This chapter covers the various substantives in Southern YauyosQuechua. It surveys their different classes and describes the patterns of inflection and derivation in the various dialects of the language.

### **3.1 Parts of speech**

The parts of speech in Southern Yauyos Quechua, as in other Quechuan languages, are substantives (*warmi* 'woman'), verbs (*hamu-* 'come'), ambivalents (*para* 'rain, to rain'), and particles (*mana* 'no, not'). Substantives and verbs are subject to different patterns of inflection; ambivalents may inflect either as substantives or verbs; particles do not inflect.

The class of substantives in Quechuan languages is usually defined as including nouns (*wasi* 'house'); pronouns (*ñuqanchik* 'we'); interrogative-indefinites (*may* 'where'); adjectives (*sumaq* 'pretty'); pre-adjectives (*dimas* 'too'); and numerals (*kimsa* 'three'). All substantives with the exception of dependent pronouns (*Sapa* 'alone') may occur as free forms.

The class of verbs in Quechuan languages is usually defined to include transitive (*qawa*- 'see'), intransitive (*tushu-* 'dance'), and copulative (*ka-* 'be') stems. A fourth class can be set apart: onomatopoetic verbs (*chuqchuqya-* 'nurse, make the sound of a calf nursing'). All verbs, with the exception of *haku!* 'let's go!', occur only as bound forms.

Ambivalents form a single class.

The class of particles is usually defined to include interjections (*¡Alaláw!* 'How cold!'); prepositions (*asta* 'until'); coordinators (*icha* 'or'); pre-numerals (*la*, *las*, occurring with expressions of time); negators (*mana* 'no, not'); assenters and greetings (*aw* 'yes'); adverbs (*ayvis* 'sometimes').

The remainder of this section covers substantives; verbs are covered in Chapter 4 and particles in Chapter 5.

### **3.2 Substantive classes**

In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, the class of substantives comprises six subclasses: nouns, pronouns, interrogative-indefinites, adjectives, pre-adjectives, and numerals. §3.2.1–3.2.5 cover each of these in turn. Multiple-class substantives and the dummy noun *na* are covered in §3.2.6 and 3.2.7, respectively.

### **3.2.1 Nouns**

The class of nouns may be divided into four sub-classes: regular nouns (*wayta* 'flower'), time nouns (*kanan* 'now'), gender nouns (*tiya* 'aunt'), and locative nouns (*qipa* 'behind'). §3.2.1.1–3.2.1.4 cover each of these in turn.

### **3.2.1.1 Regular nouns**

The class of regular nouns includes all nouns not included in the other three classes. Although in this sense it is defined negatively, as a kind of default class, it includes by far more members than any of the others. (1–5) give examples.


3.2 Substantive classes

(4) *Unaykunaqa watuta ruwaq kayanchik llamapaqpis alpakapaqpis.* amv *unay-kuna-qa* before-pl-top *watu-ta* rope-acc *ruwa-q* make-ag *ka-ya-nchik* be-prg-1pl *llama-paq-pis* llama-abl-add *alpaka-paq-pis* alpaca-abl-add 'In the old days, we used to make **rope** from [the wool of] **llamas** and **alpacas**.'

(5) *Ukuchapa trupallanta palumaqa quykun.* ach *ukucha-pa* mouse-gen *trupa-lla-n-ta* tail-rstr-3-acc *paluma-qa* dove-top *qu-yku-n* give-excep-3 'The **dove** gave them the **tail** of a **mouse**.'

### **3.2.1.2 Time nouns**

Nouns referring to time (*kanan* 'now', *wata* 'year') form a unique class in that they may occur adverbally without inflection, as in (1–5).


(5) *Qayna huk watahina timblur yapa kaypa kaptinqa.* amv *qayna* previous *huk* one *wata-hina* year-comp *timblur* earthquake *yapa* again *kay-pa* dem.p-loc *ka-pti-n-qa* be-subds-3-top 'About **a year ago**, when there was an earthquake here again.'

### **3.2.1.3 Gender nouns**

Nouns indigenous to syq do not inflect for gender. syq indicates biological gender either with distinct noun roots (*maqta* 'young man', *pashña* 'young woman') or by modification with *qari* 'man' or *warmi* 'woman' in the case of people (*qari wawa* 'boy child', *warmi wawa* 'girl child') or *urqu* 'male' or *trina* 'female' in the case of animals. A few nouns, all borrowed from Spanish, are inflected for gender (masculine **/u/** and feminine /a/). (1–4) give examples.


3.2 Substantive classes

### **3.2.1.4 Locative nouns**

Locative nouns indicate relative position (*chimpa* 'front', *hawa* 'top'). They are inflected with the suffixes of the substantive (possessive) paradigm which indicate the person – and, in the case of the first person, also the number – of the complement noun. (1–5) give examples.


### **3.2.2 Pronouns**

In syq, as in otherQuechuan languages, pronouns may be sorted into four classes: personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns, dependent pronouns and interrogative-indefinite pronouns.

The personal pronouns in syq are *ñuqa* 'I'; *qam* 'you'; *pay* 'she/he'; *ñuqa-nchik* 'we'; *qam-kuna* 'you.pl'; and *pay-kuna* 'they'. syq makes no distinction between subject, object, and possessive pronouns. With all three, case marking attaches to the same stem: *ñuqa* (1) 'I'; *ñuqa-ta* (1-acc) 'me'; *ñuqa-pa* (1-gen) 'my' (nominative being zero-marked). Table 3.1 summarizes this information.

The demonstrative pronouns are *kay* 'this', *chay* 'that', and *wak* 'that (other)'.

The dependent pronouns are *kiki* 'oneself', *Sapa* 'only, alone', *llapa* 'all', and *kuska* 'together'. These occur only with substantive person inflection, which indicates the person and, in the case of the first person plural, number of the referent of the pronoun (*kiki-y*/*-:* 'I myself'; *sapa-yki* 'you alone'). One additional pronoun may appear suffixed with substantive person inflection: *wakin* 'some …', 'the rest of …'

§3.2.2.1–3.2.2.3 cover the personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns, and dependent pronouns. Interrogative-indefinite pronouns are covered in §3.2.3.

### **3.2.2.1 Personal pronouns** *ñuqa, qam, pay*

syq has three pronominal stems – *ñuqa*, *qam*, and *pay*, as in (1), (2) and (3). These correspond to the first, second and third persons. Table 3.1 lists the personal pronouns.


Table 3.1: Personal pronouns

(1) *Kala: Cañetepi chaypim uyarila: ñuqapis.* ch *ka-la-:* be-pst-1 *Cañete-pi* Cañete-loc *chay-pi-m* dem.d-loc-evd *uyari-la-:* hear-pst-1 *ñuqa-pis* I-add 'I was in Cañete. **I**, too, heard it there.'

### 3.2 Substantive classes

(2) *Manam ñuqaqa Viñaqta riqsi:chu. ¿Qam riqsinkichu, Min?* ch *mana-m* no-evd *ñuqa-qa* I-top *Viñaq-ta* Viñac-acc *riqsi-:-chu* be.acquainted.with-1-neg *qam* you *riqsi-nki-chu* be.acquainted.with-2-q *Min* Min '**I** don't know Viñac. Do **you** know it, Min?'

(3) *Payqa hatarirushañam rikaq.* lt *pay-qa* 3-top *hatari-ru-sha-ña-m* get.up-urgt-npst-disc-evd *rika-q* see-ag '**He** had already gotten up to see.'

These may but need not inflect for number as *ñuqa-kuna*, *qam-kuna*, and *paykuna* (4), (5) and (6).


syq makes available a three-way distinction in the first person plural among *ñuqa-nchik* (dual), *ñuqa-nchik-kuna* (inclusive), and *ñuqa-kuna* (exclusive) (7), (8), (4).


*ñuqa-kuna* is employed in all five dialects (9–11).


In practice, except in ch, *ñuqa-nchik* is employed with dual, inclusive and exclusive interpretations to the virtual complete exclusion of the other two forms. Verbs and substantives appearing with the inclusive *ñuqa-nchik-kuna* inflect in the same manner as verbs do and substantives appearing with the dual/default *ñuqa-nchik* (12); verbs and substantives appearing with the exclusive *ñuqa-kuna* inflect in the manner as those appearing with the singular *ñuqa* (13), (14).

### 3.2 Substantive classes


In the verbal and nominal paradigm tables, for reasons of space, I generally do not list *ñuqa-nchik-kuna* and *ñuqa-kuna* with the other first person pronouns in the headings; it can be assumed that the first patterns with *ñuqa-nchik*, the second with *ñuqa*. In practice, where context does not adequately specify the referent, speakers of syq make distinctions between the dual, inclusive and exclusive firstperson plural exactly like speakers of English and Spanish do, indicating the dual, for example, with *ishkay-ni-nchik* 'the two of us'; the inclusive with *llapa-nchik* 'all of us'; and the exclusive with modifying phrases, as in *ñuqa-nchik Viñac-pa* 'we in Viñac'. syq makes no distinction between subject, object (15) and possessive (16) pronouns. With all three, case marking attaches to the same stem; nominative case is zero-marked.


(17) *Huk qawaptinqa, ñuqanchik qawanchikchu. Almanchik puriyanshi.* amv *huk* one *qawa-pti-n-qa* see-subds-3-top *ñuqa-nchik* I-1pl *qawa-nchik-chu* see-1pl-neg *alma-nchik* soul-1pl *puri-ya-n-shi* walk-prog-3-evr '"Although others see them, **we** don't see them. Our souls wander around," they say.'

### **3.2.2.2 Demonstrative pronouns** *kay***,** *chay***,** *wak*

syq has three demonstrative pronouns: *kay* 'this', *chay* 'that', and *wak* 'that (other)' (1–3).


*chay* may have both proximate and distal referents. *wak* is consistently translated in Spanish as '*ese*' ('that'), not, perhaps contrary to expectation, as 'aquel'. The demonstrative pronouns may substitute for any phrase or clause (4). They can but need not inflect for number (2).

3.2 Substantive classes

(4) *Hinashpa achkaña wawan kayan. Chaypaq ñakanñataqtri mikuypaq.* ach *hinashpa* then *achka-ña* a.lot-disc *wawa-n* baby-3 *ka-ya-n* be-prog-3 *chay-paq* dem.d-abl *ñaka-n-ña-taq-tri* suffer-3-disc-seq-evc *miku-y-paq* eat-inf-abl 'Then she has a lot of babies. She'll suffer, too, a lot from **that**, from hunger.'

They can appear simultaneously with possessive inflection (5).

(5) *Kayninchik.* amv *kay-ni-nchik* dem.p-euph-1pl '**These of ours**.'

In complex phrases with demonstrative pronouns, case marking attaches to the final word in the phrase (6).

(6) *Kay llañutapis puchkani kikiymi.* amv *kay* dem.p *llañu-ta-pis* thin-acc-add *puchka-ni* spin-1 *kiki-y-mi* self-1-evd 'I spin **this thin one**, too, myself.'

*chay* may be employed without deictic meaning, in particular when it figures in sentence-initial position (7).

(7) *Chaymi hampichira: hukwan, hukwan.* ach *chay-mi* dem.d-evd *hampi-chi-ra-:* heal-caus-pst-1 *huk-wan,* one-instr *huk-wan* one-instr '**So** I had him cured with one and with another.'

In this case, it is generally suffixed with one of the evidentials *-mi* or *-shi* and indicates that the sentence it heads is closely related to the sentence that precedes it.<sup>1</sup> syq demonstrative pronouns are identical in form to the demonstrative determiners (8–10).

<sup>1</sup> As an anonymous reviewer points out, forms such as *chay-mi* and *chay-shi* are lexicalized discourse markers, and, as such "they do not take productive affixes such as *-kuna*, *-pi*, or *-man*" among others.


**3.2.2.2.1 Determiners** syq does not have an independent class of determiners. *huk* 'one', 'once', 'other' can be used to introduce new referents; in this capacity, it can be translated 'a' (1).

(1) *Huk pashñash karqa ubihira. Chaymanshi trayarushqa huk qari yuraq kurbatayuq.* amv *huk* one *pashña-sh* girl-evr *ka-rqa* be-pst *ubihira* shepherdess *chay-man-shi* dem.d-all-evr *traya-ru-shqa* arrive-urgt-subis *huk* one *qari* man '**A** girl was a shepherdess. Then, they say, **a** man with a white tie arrived.'

*kay* 'this', *chay* 'that', and *wak* 'that (other)' can be used to refer to established referents; in this capacity, they can be translated 'the' (2).

(2) *Yuraq kurbata-yuq yana tirnuyuq chay pashñawan purirqa.* amv *yuraq* white *kurbata-yuq* tie-poss *yana* black *tirnu-yuq* suit-poss *chay* dem.d *pashña-wan* girl-instr *puri-rqa* walk-pst 'With a white tie and a black suit, he walked about with the girl.'

3.2 Substantive classes

(3) *Runa chay maqtata wañurachin hanay urqupa.* amv *runa* person *chay* dem.d *maqta-ta* young.man-acc *wañu-ra-chi-n* die-urgt-caus-3 *hanay* above *urqu-pa* hill-loc 'People killed **the** boy up in the hills.'

### **3.2.2.3 Dependent pronouns** *kiki-***,** *Sapa-***,** *llapa-***,** *kuska-*

syq has four dependent pronouns: *kiki-* 'oneself' (1), *Sapa-* 'alone' (2), *llapa-* 'all' (3), and *kuska-* 'together' (4).


These pronouns are dependent in the sense that they cannot occur uninflected: the suffixes of the nominal (possessive) paradigm attach to dependent pronouns indicating the person and – in the case of the first person – sometimes the number of the referent of the pronoun (*llapa-nchik* 'all of us'). Dependent pronouns function in the manner as personal pronouns do: they may refer to any of the participants in an event, subject (5) or object (6); they inflect obligatorily for case (7) and optionally for number; and they may be followed by enclitics (8).


All except *kiki* may occur as free forms as well; it is, however, only as adjectives that they may occur uninflected; as pronouns (9) or adverbs (10) all still demand inflection.


### 3.2 Substantive classes

*Sapa* is realized *hapa* in the ch and lt dialects (11), (12); *sapa* in all others (13).


One additional pronoun may appear inflected with possessive suffixes: *wakin* 'some, the rest of' (14), (15) (not attested in ch).


### **3.2.3 Interrogative-indefinites**

### *pi***,** *ima***,** *imay***,** *imayna***,** *mayqin***,** *imapaq***,** *ayka*

syq has seven interrogative-indefinite stems: *pi* 'who', *ima* 'what', *imay* 'when', *may* 'where', *imayna* 'how', *mayqin* 'which', *imapaq* 'why', and *ayka* 'how much

or how many', as shown in Table 3.2. These form interrogative (1–12), indefinite (13–21), and negative indefinite pronouns (22–29). Interrogative pronouns are formed by suffixing the stem – generally but not obligatorily – with any of the enclitics *-taq*, *-raq*, *-mI*, *-shI* or *-trI* (*pi-taq* 'who', *ima-raq* 'what'); indefinite pronouns are formed by attaching *-pis* to the stem (*pi-pis* 'someone', *ima-pis* 'something'); negative indefinite pronouns, by preceding the indefinite pronoun with *mana* 'no' (*mana pi-pis* 'no one', *mana ima-pis* 'nothing').

Table 3.2: Interrogative-indefinites





3.2 Substantive classes

(29) *Rayaqa manam aykas kanchu.* ach *raya-qa* row-top *mana-m* no-evd *ayka-s* how.many-add *ka-n-chu* be-3-neg 'There is**n't even a small number** of rows.'

Indefinite pronouns may figure in exclamations (30).

(30) *¡Ima maldisyaw chay Dimunyu! ¡Pudirniyuq!* amv *ima* what *maldisyaw* damned *chay* dem.d *dimunyu* devil *pudir-ni-yuq* power-euph-pos '**How damned** is the Devil! He's powerful!'

Interrogative pronouns are suffixed with the case markers corresponding to the questioned element (31).

(31) *¿Runkuwanchu qaqurushaq? ¿Imawantaq qaquruyman?* amv *runku-wan-chu* sack-instr-q *qaqu-ru-shaq* rub-urgt-1.fut *ima-wan-taq* what-instr-seq *qaqu-ru-y-man* rub-urgt-1-cond 'Should I rub it with a sack? **With what** can I rub it?'

Enclitics generally attach to the final word in the interrogative phrase: where the interrogative pronoun completes the phrase, the enclitic attaches directly to the interrogative (plus case suffixes, if any) (32); where the phrase includes an np, the enclitic attaches to the np (*pi-paq-taq* 'for whom' *ima qullqi-tr* 'what money') (33), (34).


The interrogative enclitic is not employed in the interior of a subordinate clause but may attach to the final word in the clause (*¿Pi mishi-ta saru-ri-sa-n-ta qawarqa-nki?* 'Who did you see trample the cat?' *¿Pi mishi-ta saru-ri-sa-n-ta-ta qawarqa-nki?* 'Who did you see trample the cat?').

Interrogative phrases generally raise to sentence-initial position (35); they may, however, sometimes remain *in-situ*, even in non-echo questions (36).


Interrogative indefinites are sometimes employed as relative pronouns (37), (38).


Speakers use both *ima ura* and *imay ura* 'what hour' and 'when hour' to ask the time (39).

(39) *¿Imay urataq huntanqa kay yakuqa?* lt *imay* when *ura-taq* hour-seq *hunta-nqa* fill-3.fut *kay* dem.p *yaku-qa* water-top '**What time** will this water fill up?'

Interrogative pronouns may be stressed with *diyablu* 'devil' and like terms (40).

3.2 Substantive classes

(40) *¿Ima diyabluyá ñuqanchik kanchik?* amv *ima* what *diyablu-yá* devil-emph *ñuqa-nchik* I-1pl *ka-nchik* be-1pl '**What the hell** are we?'

Possessive suffixes attach to indefinites to yield phrases like 'your things' and 'my people' (41–43); attaching to *mayqin* 'which', they yield 'which of pron' (44).


*Imapaq* 'why' is also sometimes realized as *imapa* in ach (45).

(45) *¿Imapam chayta ruwara paytaq? ¿Imaparaq?* ach *ima-pa-m* what-purp-evd *chay-ta* dem.dacc *ruwa-ra* make-pst *pay-taq* he-seq *ima-pa-raq* what-purp-cont '**Why** did they do that to him? **Why ever**?'

Negative indefinites may be formed with *ni* 'nor' as well as *mana* (46); they may sometimes be formed with no negator at all (47), (48).


Suffixed with the combining verb *na-*, *ima* 'what' forms a verb meaning 'do what' or 'what happen' (49–51).

(49) *Wañuq runalla hukvidata llakikuyan. "Kananqa prisutriki ñuqaqa rikushaq. ¿Imanashaq?"* sp *wañu-q* die-ag *runa-lla* person-rstr *huk-vida-ta* one-life-acc *llaki-ku-ya-n* sorrow-refl-prog-3 *kanan-qa* now-top *prisu-tri-ki* imprisoned-evc-ki *ñuqa-qa* I-top *riku-shaq* go-1.fut *ima-na-shaq* what-vrbz-1.fut 'She was very sorry for the deceased person. "Now I'm going to go to jail. **What will I do**?"'

3.2 Substantive classes


In the ch dialect, *imayna* alternates with *imamish* (52).

(52) *Quni qunim ñuqa kaya:, kumadri. ¿Qam imamish kayanki?* ch *quni* warm *quni-m* warm-evd *ñuqa* I *ka-ya-:* be-prog-1 *kumadri* comadre *qam* you *imamish* how *ka-ya-nki* be-prog-2 'I'm really warm, comadre. **How** are you?'

### **3.2.4 Adjectives**

I follow the general practice in the treatment of adjectives in Quechuan languages and sort syq adjectives into two classes: regular adjectives (*puka* 'red') and adverbial adjectives (*sumaq-ta* 'nicely'). An additional class – not native to syq nor Quechua generally – may be distinguished: gender adjectives (*kuntinta* 'happy'). All three classes figure towards the end of the stack of potential noun modifiers, all of which precede the noun. Nouns may be modified by demonstratives (*chay trakra* 'that field'), quantifiers (*ashlla trakra* 'few fields'), numerals (*trunka trakra* 'ten fields'), negators (*mana trakra-yuq* 'person without fields'), pre-adjectives (*dimas karu trakra* 'field too far away'), adjectives (*chaki trakra*

'dry field') and other nouns (*sara trakra* 'corn field'). Where modifiers appear in series, they appear in the order dem-qant-num-neg-preadj-adj-atr-nucleus (*chay trunka mana dimas chaki sara trakra* 'these ten not-too-dry corn fields').<sup>2</sup> . §§3.2.4.1–3.2.4.4 cover regular adjectives, adverbial adjectives, gender adjectives, and preadjectives. Numeral adjectives are covered in §3.2.5

### **3.2.4.1 Regular adjectives**

The class of regular adjectives includes all adjectives not included in the other two classes (*trawa* 'raw', *putka* 'turbid'). (1–2) give examples. Adjectives are often repeated. The effect is augmentative (*uchuk* 'small' → *uchuk-uchuk* 'very small'). When adjectives are repeated, the last consonant or the last syllable of the first instance is generally elided (*alli-allin* 'very good', *hat-hatun* 'very big').


### **3.2.4.2 Adverbial adjectives**

Adjectives may occur adverbally, in which case they are generally but not necessarily inflected with *-ta* (*quyu* 'ugly'→*quyu-ta* 'awfully'). (1–2) give examples.

<sup>2</sup> Analysis and example taken from Parker (1976), confirmed in elicitation

3.2 Substantive classes


### **3.2.4.3 Gender adjectives**

A few adjectives, all borrowed from Spanish, may inflect for gender (masculine **/u/** or feminine **/a/**) (*kuntintu* 'happy', *luka* 'crazy') in case they modify nouns referring to animate male or female individuals, respectively. Some nouns indigenous to syq specify the gender of the referent (*masha* 'son-in-law', *llumchuy* 'daughter-in-law') (1).

(1) *masha:pis qalipis walmipis wawi:kunapaq* ch *masha-:-pis* son.in.law-1-add *qali-pis* man-add *walmi-pis* woman-add *wawi-:-kuna-paq* baby-1-pl-gen 'my **son-in-law**, too, my children's sons and daughters'

Indeed, some names of family relations specify the gender of both members of the relationship (*wawqi* 'brother of a male', *ñaña* 'sister of a female') (2–4).


(4) *chay ubihapa wawanta chay karnirupa churinta* amv *chay* dem.d *ubiha-pa* sheep-gen *wawa-n-ta* baby-3-acc *chay* dem.d *karniru-pa* ram-gen *churi-n-ta* child-3-acc 'the **baby of that sheep**, the **baby of that ram**'

Where it is necessary to specify the gender of the referent of a noun that does not indicate gender, syq modifies that noun with *qari* 'man' or *warmi* 'woman' in the case of people (*warmi wawa* 'daughter' *lit.* 'girl child') and *urqu* 'male' or *trina* 'female' in the case of animals (5), (6).


### **3.2.4.4 Preadjectives**

Adjectives admit modification by adverbs (1) and nouns functioning adjectivally; the latter are suffixed with *-ta*.

3.2 Substantive classes

(1) *Pasaypaq chanchu sapatu pasaypaq lapi chuku pasaypaqshi ritamun paypis.* lt *pasaypaq* completely *chanchu* old *sapatu* shoe *pasaypaq* completely *lapi* old *chuku* hat *pasaypaq-shi* completely-evr *rita-mu-n* go-cisl-3 *pay-pis* he-add 'He, too, went with **totally** old shoes and a **completely** worn hat, they say.'

### **3.2.5 Numerals**

syq employs two sets of cardinal numerals. The first is native to Quechua; the second is borrowed from Spanish. The latter is always used for time and almost always for money. Also borrowed from Spanish are the ordinal numerals, *primiru* 'first', *sigundu* 'second', and so on. There is no set of ordinal numerals native to syq. §§3.2.5.1–3.2.5.3 cover general numerals, ordinal numerals, and time numerals in turn. §3.2.5.4 and 3.2.5.5 cover numerals inflected for possessive and the special case of *huk* 'one', respectively.

### **3.2.5.1 General numerals**

The set of cardinal numerals native to syq includes twelve members: *huk* 'one'; *ishkay* 'two'; *kimsa* 'three'; *tawa* 'four'; *pichqa* 'five'; *suqta* 'six'; *qanchis* 'seven'; *pusaq* 'eight'; *isqun* 'nine'; *trunka* 'ten'; *patrak* 'hundred'; and *waranqa* 'thousand' (1–3).


(3) *Ingañaykun. Chay waranqa kwistasantam …* ach *ingaña-yku-n* cheat-excep-3 *chay* dem.d *waranqa* thousand *kwista-sa-n-ta-m* cost-prf-3-acc-evd 'They cheat them. That which cost one **thousand** …'

'Twenty', 'thirty' and so on are formed by placing a unit numeral – *ishkay* 'two', *kimsa* 'three', and so on – in attributive construction with *trunka* 'ten' (4).

(4) *Riganchik chay sarataqa ishkay trunka kimsa trunka puntrawniyuqtamá.* amv *riga-nchik* irrigate-1pl *chay* dem.d *sara-ta-qa* corn-acc-top *ishkay* two *trunka* ten *kimsa* three *trunka* ten *puntraw-ni-yuq-ta-m-á* day-euph-poss-acc-evd-emph 'We water the corn that's **twenty** or **thirty** days old.'

'Forty-one' and 'forty-two' and so on are formed by adding another unit numeral – *huk* 'one', *ishkay* 'two', and so on – using *-yuq* or, following a consonant, its allomorph, *-ni-yuq* (*ishkay trunka pusaq-ni-yuq* 'twenty-eight') (5).

(5) *Trunka ishkayniyuqpaqpis ruwanchik.* amv *trunka* ten *ishkay-ni-yuq-paq-pis* two-euph-poss-abl-add *ruwa-nchik* make-1pl 'We make them out of **twelve** [strands], too.'

General numerals are ambivalent, and may function as modifiers and as pronouns (6).

(6) *Ishkayllata apikunaypaq. Shantipa mana kashachu.* lt *ishkay-lla-ta* two-rstr-acc *api-ku-na-y-paq* pudding-refl-nmlz-1-purp *Shanti-pa* Shanti-gen *mana* no *ka-sha-chu* be-npst-neg 'Just **two** so I can make pudding. Shanti didn't have any.'

### **3.2.5.2 Ordinal numerals**

syq has no native system of ordinal numerals. It borrows the Spanish *primero segundo* and so on (1), (2).

3.2 Substantive classes


The expression *punta-taq* is sometimes employed for 'first' (3).<sup>3</sup>

(3) *Qarinman sirvirun puntataq hinashpa kikinpis mikuruntriki.* amv *qari-n-man* man-3-all *sirvi-ru-n* serve-urgt-3 *punta-taq* point-seq *hinashpa* then *kiki-n-pis* self-3-add *miku-ru-n-tri-ki* eat-urgt-3-evc-ki 'She served her husband [the poisoned tuna] **first** then she herself must have eaten it.'

### **3.2.5.3 Time numerals and pre-numerals**

syq makes use of the full set of Spanish cardinal numerals: *unu* 'one', *dus* 'two', *tris* 'three', *kwatru* 'four', *sinku* 'five', *sis* 'six', *siyti* 'seven', *uchu* 'eight', *nuybi* 'nine', *dis* 'ten', and so on. It is this set that is used in telling time. As in Spanish, time numerals are preceded by the pre-numerals *la* or *las* (1).

(1) *Puñukun tuta a las tris di la mañanataqa.* amv *puñu-ku-n* sleep-refl-3 *tuta* night *a* at *las* the *tris* three *di* of *la* the *mañana-ta-qa* morning-acc-top 'He went to sleep at night – at **three** in the morning.'

<sup>3</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that "most Quechuan languages express ordinals by attaching the enclitic *-kaq* to the numeral," as in *ishkay-kaq* 'second', literally 'that which is number two'. "The -*kaq* enclitic derives historically from the copula \*ka- plus agentive \*-q." This structure is not attested in Yauyos.

Time expressions are usually suffixed with *-ta* (*a las dusi-ta* 'at twelve o'clock'):

(2) *Las tris i midyata qaykuruni.* amv *las* the *tris* three *i* and *midya-ta* middle-acc *qayku-ru-ni* corral-urgt-1 'I threw him in the corral **at** three thirty.'

### **3.2.5.4 Numerals with possessive suffixes**

Any numeral, num, may be suffixed with any plural possessive suffix – *-nchik*, *-Yki*, or *-n*. These constructions translate 'we/you/they num' or 'the num of us/you/them' (*kimsanchik* 'we three', 'the three of us') (1).

(1) *Ishkaynin, kimsan kashpaqa mikunyá.* amv *ishkay-ni-n* two-euph-3 *kimsa-n* three-3 *ka-shpa-qa* be-subis-top *miku-n-yá* eat-3-emph 'If there are **two of them** or **three of them**, they eat.'

In the case of *ishkay* this translates 'both of' (2).

(2) *Ishkayninchik ripukushun.* amv *ishkay-ni-nchik* two-euph-1pl *ripu-ku-shun* leave-refl-1pl.fut 'Let's go **both of us**.'

*huknin* translates both 'one of' and 'the other of' (3).

(3) *Hukninpis hukninpis hinaptin sapalla: witrqarayachin.* ach *huk-ni-n-pis* one-euph-3-add *huk-ni-n-pis* one-euph-3-add *hinaptin* then *sapa-lla-:* alone-rstr-1 *witrqa-ra-ya-chi-n* close-unint-intens-caus-3 '**One of them** then the **other of them** [leaves] and I'm closed in all alone.'

3.2 Substantive classes

### **3.2.5.5** *huk*

*huk* 'one' has several functions in addition to its function as a numeral (1) and numeral adjective (2).


It may serve both as an indefinite determiner, as in (3) and (4), and as a pronoun, as in (5) and (6).


(6) *Ayvis lliw chinkarun ayvis huklla ishkayllata tariru:.* ach *ayvis* sometimes *lliw* all *chinka-ru-n* lose-urgt-3 *ayvis* sometimes *huk-lla* one-rstr *ishkay-lla-ta* two-rstr-acc *tari-ru-:* find-urgt-1 'Sometimes all get lost; sometimes I find just **one** or two.'

With 'another' interpretation, *huk* may be inflected with plural *-kuna* (7).

(7) *Kikiypaq ruwani hukkunapaq ruwani.* amv *kiki-y-paq* self-1-ben *ruwa-ni* make-1 *huk-kuna-paq* one-pl-ben *ruwa-ni* make-1 'I make them for myself and I make them for **others**.'

Suffixed with allative/dative *-man*, it may be interpreted 'different' or 'differently' (8).

(8) *Waytachaypis hukman lluqsiruwan ishkay trakiyuqhina lluqsirun.* amv *wayta-cha-y-pis* flower-dim-1-add *huk-man* one-all *lluqsi-ru-wa-n* come.out-urgt-1.obj-3 *ishkay* two *traki-yuq-hina* foot-poss-comp *lluqsi-ru-n* come.out-urgt-3 'My flower came out **differently** on me. It came out like with two feet.'

### **3.2.6 Multiple-class substantives**

Some substantives are ambivalent. Regular nouns may appear as regular modifiers (1) and adverbial adjectives (2); interrogative pronouns as indefinite and relative pronouns (3); dependent pronouns as unit numerals (4); unit numerals as pronouns (5), (6); and dependent pronouns as adverbs (7) and quantitative (8) adjectives. Table 3.3 gives some examples.

### **3.2.7 Dummy** *na*

*na* is a dummy noun, standing in for any substantive that doesn't make it off the tip of the speaker's tongue (1), (2).

### 3.2 Substantive classes

Table 3.3: Multiple-class substantives



*na* inflects as does any other substantive – for case (3), number, and possession (4).


*na* is ambivalent, serving also as a dummy verb (5).

(5) *Chaykuna rimanqaña narushpaqa.* amv *chay-kuna* dem.d-pl *rima-nqa-ña* talk-3.fut-disc *na-ru-shpa-qa* dmy-urgt-subis-top 'They'll talk after **doing that**.'

### **3.3 Substantive inflection**

Substantives in syq, as in other Quechuan languages, inflect for person, number and case. This introduction summarizes the more extended discussion to follow.

The substantive ("possessive") person suffixes of syq are *-y* (amv, lt) or *-:* (ach, ch, sp) (1p), *-Yki* (2p), *-n* (3p), and *-nchik* (1pl) (*mishi-y*, *mishi-:* 'my cat'; *asnu-yki* 'your donkey'). Table 3.4 below displays this paradigm.

The plural suffix of syq is *-kuna* (*urqu-kuna* 'hills').

syq has ten case suffixes: comparative *-hina* (*María-hina* 'like María'); limitative *-kama* (*marsu-kama* 'until March'); allative, dative *-man* (*Cañete-man* 'to Cañete'); genitive and locative *-pa* (*María-pa* 'María's' *Lima-pa* 'in Lima'); ablative, benefactive, and purposive *-paq* (*Viñac-paq* 'from Viñac', *María-paq* 'for María,' *qawa-na-n-paq* 'in order for her to see'); locative *-pi* (*Lima-pi* 'in Lima'); exclusive *-puRa* (*amiga-pura* 'among friends'); causative *-rayku* (*María-rayku* 'on account of María'); accusative *-ta* (*María-ta* 'María' (direct object)), and comitative and instrumental *-wan* (*María-wan* 'with María', *acha-wan* 'with an axe'). Table 3.5 below displays this paradigm.

All case marking attaches to the last word in the nominal phrase. When a stem bears suffixes of two or three classes, these appear in the order person-numbercase (1), (2).


### 3.3 Substantive inflection

Sections §3.3.1–3.3.3 cover inflection for possession, number and case, respectively. Most case suffixes are mutually exclusive; §3.3.3.2 gives some possible combinations.

### **3.3.1 Possessive (person)**

The possessive suffixes of syq are the same in all dialects for all persons except the first-person singular. Two of the five dialects – amv and lt – follow the qii pattern, marking the first-person singular with *-y*; three dialects – ach, ch, and sp – follow the qi pattern, marking it with *-:* (vowel length). The syq nominal suffixes, then, are: *-y* or *-:* (1p), *-Yki* (2p), *-n* (3p), *-nchik* (1pl). Table 3.4 lists the possessive suffixes.

Table 3.4: Possessive (substantive) suffixes


Stems of the following substantive classes may be suffixed with person suffixes: nouns (*wambra-yki* 'your child') (1), general numerals (*kimsa-nchik* 'the three of us') (2), dependent pronouns (*kiki-n* 'she herself') (3), demonstrative pronouns (*chay-ni-y* 'this of mine') (4) and interrogative-indefinites (5).

(1) *Hinashpaqa pubriqa kutimusa llapa animalninwan wasinman.* amv *hinashpa-qa* then-top *pubri-qa* poor-top *kuti-mu-sa* return-cisl-npst *llapa* all *animal-ni-n-wan* animal-euph-3-instr *wasi-n-man* house-3-acc

'Then the poor man returned to **his** house with all **his** animals.'


In the case of words ending in a consonant, *-ni* – semantically vacuous – precedes the person suffix (6).

(6) *¿Maynintapis ripunqañatr? Gallu Rumi altuntapis ripunqañatr.* amv *may-ni-n-ta-pis* where-euph-3-acc-add *ripu-nqa-ña-tr* go-3.fut-disc-evc *Gallu* Cock *Rumi* Rock *altu-n-ta-pis* high-3-acc-add *ripu-nqa-ña-tr* go-3.fut-disc-evc '**Where abouts** will he go? He'll go up above Gallu Rumi, for sure.'

The third person possessive suffix, *-n*, attaching to *may* 'where' and other expressions of place, forms an idiomatic expression interpretable as 'via' or 'around' (7).

3.3 Substantive inflection

(7) *Hamuyaq kayninta.* amv *hamu-ya-q* come-prog-ag *kay-ni-n-ta* dem.p-euph-3-acc 'He used to be coming **around here**.'

In the first person singular, the noun *papa* 'father' inflects *papa-ni-y* to refer to one's biological or social father , (8).<sup>4</sup>

(8) *Vikuñachayta diharuni papaniywan.* amv *vikuña-cha-y-ta* vicuña-dim-1-acc *diha-ru-ni* leave-urgt-1 *papa-ni-y-wan* father-euph-1-instr 'I left my little vicuña with **my father**.'

syq possessive constructions are formed substantive-poss *ka-* (**allqu-n ka-rqa** 'she had a dog' (lit. 'her dog was')) (9)(10).

(9) *Mana wambrayki kanchu mana qariyki kanchu.* ach *mana* no *wambra-yki* child-2 *ka-n-chu* be-3-neg *mana* no *qari-yki* man-2 *ka-n-chu* be-3-neg '**You** don't **have children** and **you** don't **have a husband**.'

Finally, possessive suffixes attach to the subordinating suffix *-pti* as well as to the nominalizing suffixes *-na* and *-sa* to form subordinate (10), purposive (11), complement (12), and relative (13), (14) clauses.


<sup>4</sup> An anonymous reviewer writes, "As a loan word, most Central Quechuan languages have *papa:* with final vowel length (reinterpretation of final accent in Spanish '*papá*'). As such, *-ni* is required before a syllable-closing suffix, such as *-y*. Though *papa* does not end in a long vowel in SYQ, it probably did at one time, and the effect is retained."


### **3.3.2 Number** *-kuna*

*-kuna* pluralizes regular nouns, as in (1), where it affixes to *kabra* 'goat' to form *kabra-kuna* 'goats'.

(1) *Kabrakunata hapishpa mikukuyan.* amv *kabra-kuna-ta* goat-pl-acc *hapi-shpa* grab-subis *miku-ku-ya-n* eat-refl-prog-3 'Taking ahold of the **goats**, [the puma] is eating them.'

*-kuna* also pluralizes the personal pronouns *ñuqa*, *qam*, and *pay* (2), demonstrative pronouns (3), and interrogative-indefinites (4).


3.3 Substantive inflection

(4) *¿Imakunam ubihaykipa sutin?* amv *ima-kuna-m* what-pl-evd *ubiha-yki-pa* sheep-2-gen *suti-n* name-3 '**What** are your sheep's names?'

*-kuna* follows the stem and possessive suffix, if any, and precedes the case suffix, if any (5).

(5) *Chamisninkunata upyarin kukankunata akun.* amv *chamis-ni-n-kuna-ta* chamis-euph-3-pl-acc *upya-ri-n* drink-incep-3 *kuka-n-kuna-ta* coca-3-pl-acc *aku-n* chew-3 'They drink **their** *chamis* and they chew **their coca**.'

Number-marking in syq is optional. Noun phrases introduced by numerals or quantifying adjectives generally are not inflected with *-kuna* (6).

(6) *Ishkay yatrarqa, ishkay warmi.* amv *ishkay* two *yatra-rqa* live-pst *ishkay* two *warmi* woman '**Two** lived [there], **two** women.'

*-kuna* may receive non-plural interpretations and, like *-ntin*, may indicate accompaniment or non-exhaustivity (7).<sup>5</sup>

(7) *Chay kwirpuykikuna mal kanman umaykikuna nananman.* amv *chay* dem.d *kwirpu-yki-kuna* body-2-pl *mal* bad *ka-n-man* be-3-cond *uma-yki-kuna* head-2-**pl** *nana-n-man* hurt-3-cond '**Your whole body** could be not well; **your head and everything** could hurt.'

Finally, words borrowed from Spanish already inflected for plural – i.e., with Spanish plural *s* – are generally still suffixed with *-kuna* (*cosas* → *kusas-ni-nchikkuna*) (8).

<sup>5</sup> This example is, in fact, ambiguous between as reading in which *-kuna* receives a non-plural interpretation and one in which it simply pluralizes the possessed item. Thus, *kwirpu-y-kuna* could also refer to 'your (plural) bodies', as an anonymous reviewer points out.

(8) *Qayashpa waqashpa purin animalisninchikunaqa.* amv *qaya-shpa* scream-subis *waqa-shpa-m* cry-subis-evd *puri-n* walk-3 *animalis-ni-nchik-kuna-qa* animals-euph-1pl-pl-top 'Our animal**s** walk around screaming, crying.'

### **3.3.3 Case**

A set of ten suffixes constitutes the case system of syq. Table 3.5 gives glossed examples. These are: *-hina* (comparative), *-kama* (limitative), *-man* (allative, dative), *-pa/-pi* (genitive, locative), *-paq* (ablative, benefactive, purposive), *-puRa* (exclusive), *-rayku* (reason), *-ta* (accusative), and *-wan* (comitative, instrumental). Genitive, instrumental and allative/dative may specify noun-verb in addition to noun-noun relations. *-pa* is the default form for the locative, but *-pi* is often and *-paq* is sometimes used. The ch dialect uses a fourth form, *-traw*, common to the qi languages. The ch dialect is also unique among the five in its realization of accusative *-ta* as *-kta* after a short vowel. *-puRa* – attested only in Viñac – and *-rayku* are employed only rarely. The genitive and accusative may form adverbs (*tuta-pa* 'at night', *allin-ta* 'well'). Instrumental *-wan* may coordinate nps (*llama-wan alpaka-wan* 'the llama and the alpaca'). All case processes consist in adding a suffix to the last word in the nominal group. Most case suffixes are mutually exclusive. §3.3.3.1–3.3.3.12 cover each of the case suffixes in turn.

### **3.3.3.1 Simulative** *-hina*

The simulative *-hina* generally indicates resemblance or comparison (*yawar-hina* 'like blood') (1– 7).



### Table 3.5: Case suffixes with examples

in Cacra-Hongos dialect only:


(3) *Trakin, ishkaynin trakin kayan maniyashahina.* lt *traki-n,* foot-3 *ishkay-ni-n* two-euph-3 *traki-n* foot-3 *ka-ya-n* be-prog-3 *maniya-sha-hina* bind.feet-prf-comp 'His feet, it's **like** both are shackled.'


It can generally be translated 'like'. In Cacra and sometimes in Hongos, *-mish* is employed in place of *-hina* (8), (9).


3.3 Substantive inflection

### **3.3.3.2 Limitative** *-kama*

The limitative *-kama* – sometimes realized as *kaman* – generally indicates a limit in space (1), (2) or time (3–5).


In case time is delimited by an event, the usual structure isstem-nmlz-poss*-kama* (*puri-na-yki-kama* ('so you can walk') (6), (7).


*-kama* can appear simultaneously with *asta* (*Sp. hasta* 'up to', 'until') (8).

(8) *San Jerónimopaq asta kaykama.* amv *San* San *Jerónimo-paq* Jerónimo-abl *asta* until *kay-kama* dem.p-all 'From San Jerónino **to** here.'

*-kama* can form distributive expressions: in this case, *-kama* attaches to the quality or characteristic that is distributed (9), (10). In case it indicates a limit, *-kama* can usually be translated as 'up to' or 'until'; in case it indicates distribution, it can usually be translated as 'each'.


3.3 Substantive inflection

### **3.3.3.3 Allative, dative** *-man*

The allative and dative (directional) *-man* generally indicates movement toward a point (1), (2) or the end-point of movement or action more generally (3), (4).


It may function as a dative, indicating a non-geographical goal (5), (6).

(5) *Pashñaqa quykurusa mushuqta watakurusa chumpita wiqawninman.* amv *pashña-qa* girl-top *qu-yku-ru-sa* give-excep-urgt-npst *mushuq-ta* new-acc *wata-ku-ru-sa* tie-refl-urgt-npst *chumpi-ta* sash-acc *wiqaw-ni-n-man* waist-euph-3-all 'The girl gave [the young man] a sash, a new one, and she tied it **around** his waist.'

(6) *Chay lliw lliw listamanshi trurara. Chay listaman trurasan rikura.* ach *chay* dem.d *lliw* all *lliw* all *lista-man-shi* list-all-evr *trura-ra* put-pst *chay* dem.d *lista-man* list-all *trura-sa-n* put-prf-3 *riku-ra* go-pst '[The Shining Path] put everyone **on** the list. Those who were put **on** the list left.'

With verbs of giving, it marks the recipient (7), (8); with verbs of communication, the person receiving the communication (9), (10).


It may indicate a very approximate time specification (11).

(11) *Trayanqa sabaduman.* amv *traya-nqa* arrive-3.fut *sabadu-man* Saturday-all 'She'll arrive **on** Saturday [**or around there**].'

### 3.3 Substantive inflection

With verbs indicating change of state, quantity or number, it may indicate the result or extent of change (12), (13).


It may also indicate the goal in the sense of purpose of movement (14), (15). It can usually be translated as 'to', 'toward'.


### **3.3.3.4 Genitive, locative** *-pa<sup>1</sup>* **,** *-pa<sup>2</sup>*

As a genitive, *-pa* indicates possession (1), (2); it is often paired with possessive inflection (3), (4).

(1) *Runapa umallaña trakillaña kayashqa.* amv *runa-pa* person-gen *uma-lla-ña* head-rstr-disc *traki-lla-ña* leg-rstr-disc *ka-ya-shqa* be-prog-npst 'There was only the head and the hand **of** the person.'


As a locative, *-pa* indicates temporal (5) and spatial location (6–9).


3.3 Substantive inflection

(8) *Iskwilapam niytu:kunaqa wawa:kunaqa rinmi. ñuqallam ka: analfabitu.* sp *iskwila-pa-m* school-loc-evd *niytu-:-kuna-qa* nephew-1-pl-top *wawa-:-kuna-qa* baby-1-pl-top *ri-n-mi* go-3-evd *ñuqa-lla-m* I-rstr-evd *ka-:* be-1 *analfabitu* illiterate 'My grandchildren and my children are **in** school. Only I am illiterate.'

(9) *Takllawan haluyanchik chaypaqa. Uqa trakla. Yakuwan ichashpa chaypaqa.* ch *taklla-wan* plow-instr *halu-ya-nchik* plow-prog-1pl *chay-pa-qa* dem.d-loc-top *uqa* oca *trakla* field *yaku-wan* water-instr *icha-shpa* toss-subis *chay-pa-qa* dem.d-loc-top 'We're plowing with a [foot] plow **in** there. The oca fields. Adding water **in** there.'

In all dialects, *-paq* is often used in place of *-pa* and *-pi* as both a locative (10) and genitive (11); in the ch dialect, *-traw* is used in addition to *-pa* and *-pi* as a locative (12), (13). As a genitive, *-pa* can usually be translated 'of' or with a possessive pronoun; as a locative, it can usually translated 'in' or 'on'.

(10) *Dimunyum chayqa. Chay … altu rumipaq ukunpaq yatran.* ach *Dimunyu-m* Devil-evd *chay-qa* dem.d-top *chay* dem.d *altu* high *rumi-paq* stone-loc *uku-n-paq* inside-3-loc *yatra-n* live-3 'It was a devil. It … lives **in** the stone up **inside** it.'

(11) *¿Ima paypaq huchan? Qaykuruptinqa hawkam sayakun uñankunata fwiraman diharuptinchik.* amv *ima* what *pay-paq* she-gen *hucha-n* fault-3 *qayku-ru-pti-n-qa* corral-urgt-subds-3-top *hawka-m* tranquil-evd *saya-ku-n* stand-refl-3 *uña-n-kuna-ta* calf-3-pl-acc *fwira-man* outside-all *diha-ru-pti-nchik* leave-urgt-subds-1pl 'What fault is it **of her**s? When you toss her into the corral, she stands there calmly when we leave her babies outside.'


### **3.3.3.5 Ablative, benefactive, purposive** *-paq*

As an ablative, *-paq* indicates provenance in space (1–3) or time (4), (5); origin or cause (6), (7); or the material of which an item is made (8), (9).


(9) *Ayvis ruwani wiqapaq uvihapaq.* amv *ayvis* sometimes *ruwa-ni* make-1 *wiqa-paq* twisted.wool-abl *uviha-paq* sheep-abl 'Sometimes I make them **out of** twisted wool, **out of** sheep's wool.'

As a benefactive, *-paq* indicates the individual who benefits from – or suffers as a result of – an event (10).

(10) *Chay allin chay qarikuna mana ishpayta atipaqpaq.* amv *chay* dem.d *allin* good *chay* dem.d *qari-kuna* man-pl *mana* no *ishpa-y-ta* urinate-inf-acc *atipa-q-paq* be.able-ag-ben 'This is good **for** men who can't urinate.'

As a purposive, *-paq* indicates the purpose of an event (11), (12).


*-paq* may also alternate with *-pa* and *-pi* to indicate the genitive (13) or locative (14), (15).


3.3 Substantive inflection

'The fox tied the donkey up really well. He tied him up with a rope **on** his neck and **on** his foot.'

(15) *Kay llaqtapaq kundinawmi lliw lliw runata puchukayan.* amv *kay* dem.d *llaqta-paq* town-loc *kundinaw-mi* zombie-evd *lliw* all *lliw* all *runa-ta* person-acc *puchuka-ya-n* finish-prog-3 '**In** this town, a zombie is finishing off all the people.'

*-paq* also figures in a number of fixed expressions (16), (17).


Suffixed to the distal demonstrative *chay*, *-paq* indicates a close temporal or causal connection between two events, translating 'then' or 'so' (18).

(18) *Balinaku:. "¡Paqarin yanapamay!" u "Paqarin ñuqakta chaypaq talpushun qampaktañataq", ninaku:mi.* ch *bali-naku:* request.a.service-recip-1 *paqarin* tomorrow *yanapa-ma-y* help-1.obj-imp *u* or *paqarin* tomorrow *ñuqa-kta* I-acc *chay-paq* dem.d-abl *talpu-shun* plant-1pl.fut *qam-pa-kta-ña-taq* you-gen-acc-disc-seq *ni-naku-:-mi* say-recip-1-evd 'We ask for each other's services. "Help me tomorrow!" or, "Tomorrow mine **then** we'll plant yours," we say to each other.'

In comparative expressions, *-paq* attaches to the base of comparison (19), (20); it may be combined with the Spanish-origin comparatives *mihur* (*mejor* 'better') and *piyur* (*peor* 'worse') (21). It can generally be translated 'for'; in its capacity as a purposive, it can generally be translated 'in order to'.


### **3.3.3.6 Locative** *-pi*

As a locative, *-pi* indicates temporal (1), (2) and spatial location (3–5).


3.3 Substantive inflection

(4) *Chay lagunapi yatraqñataq nira, "¿Imaynam qam kayanki puka traki?"* sp *chay* dem.d *laguna-pi* lake-loc *yatra-q-ña-taq* live-ag-disc-seq *ni-ra* say-pst *imayna-m* how-evd *qam* you *ka-ya-nki* be-prog-2 *puka* red *traki* foot 'The one that lives **in** the lake said, "How do you have red feet?"'

(5) *Kundurñataq atuqta apustirun, "¿Mayqinninchik lastapi urqupi wañurushun?"* sp *kundur-ña-taq* condor-disc-seq *atuq-ta* fox-acc *apusti-ru-n* bet-urgt-3 *mayqin-ni-nchik* which-euph-1pl *lasta-pi* snow-loc *urqu-pi* hill-loc *wañu-ru-shun* die-urgt-1pl.fut 'The condor bet the fox, "Which of us will die **in** the snow, **in** the hills?"'

It is used in the expression to speak in a language (6).

(6) *Kastillanupi rimaq chayllamanñam shimin riyan manayá kay kichwa.* amv *kastillanu-pi* Spanish-loc *rima-q* talk-ag *chay-lla-man-ña-m* dem.d-rstr-all-disc-evd *shimi-n* mouth-3 *ri-ya-n* go-prog-3 *mana-yá* no-emph *kay* dem.p *kichwa* Quechua 'Those who speak **in** Spanish, their mouths are running just there. Not [those who speak in?] Quechua.'

It can be translated as 'in', 'on', or 'at'. *-pi* has a marginal use as a genitive indicating subordinative relations – including, prominently, relationships of possession – between nouns referring to different items (7). In this capacity it is translated as 'of' or with a possessive.

(7) *Chay plantapi yatan.* amv *chay* dem.d *planta-pi* tree-gen *yata-n* side-3 'The side **of** that tree.'

### **3.3.3.7 Exclusive** *-puRa*

*-puRa* – realized *-pula* in the ch dialect (1) and *-pura* in all others – indicates the inclusion of the marked individual among other individuals of the same kind. It can be translated as 'among' or 'between'. *-puRa* is not commonly employed; more commonly employed is the particle *intri* 'between', borrowed from Spanish (*entre* 'between') (2).


### **3.3.3.8 Reason** *-rayku*

*-rayku* indicates motivation (1), (2) or reason (3), (4). It generally but not obligatorily follows possessive inflection (1–4).


3.3 Substantive inflection

(4) *Mikunallanraykupis yanukunqatr.* amv *miku-na-lla-n-rayku-pis* eat-nmlz-rstr-3-reasn-add *yanu-ku-nqa-tr* cook-refl-3.fut-evc '**On account of** her food, she'll probably cook.'

It can generally be translated 'because', 'because of' or 'on account of'. *-rayku* is not frequently employed: ablative *-paq* is more frequently employed to indicate motivation or reason (5), although this *-paq* does not, as an anonymous reviewer points out, mark the same relation. *-kawsu* (*Sp. causa* 'cause') may be employed in place of *-rayku* (6). Recognized but not attested spontaneously outside amv and ch.


### **3.3.3.9 Accusative** *-Kta* **and** *-ta*

In the ch dialect, the accusative is realized *-kta* after a short vowel and *-ta* after a long vowel or consonant (1), (2); in all other dialects it is realized as *-ta* in all environments. *-ta* indicates the object or goal of a transitive verb (3), (4).

(1) *Tilivisyunta likakuyan, piluta pukllaqkunaktam.* ch *tilivisyun-ta* television-acc *lika-ku-ya-n* look-refl-prog-3 *piluta* ball *puklla-q-kuna-kta-m* play-ag-pl-acc-evd 'They're watching **television**, ball **players**.'


*-ta* may occur more than once in a clause, marking multiple objects (5), (6) or both object and goal. In case one noun modifies another, case-marking on the head n is obligatory (7); on the modifying n, optional (3).


Complement clauses are suffixed with *-ta* (8–10).

3.3 Substantive inflection

(8) *Qaqapaq lluqsiyta atipanchu. Qayakun, "¿Imaynataq kanan lluqsishaq?"* sp *qaqa-paq* cliff-abl *lluqsi-y-ta* go.out-inf-acc *atipa-n-chu* be.able-3-neg *qaya-ku-n* shout-refl-3 *imayna-taq* how-seq *kanan* now *lluqsi-shaq* go.out-1.fut 'She couldn't **get off the cliff**. She shouted, "Now, how am I going to get down?"'


*-ta* always attaches to the last word in a multi-word phrase (11).

(11) *Chayshi yatrarun kundur kashanta.* amv *chay-shi* dem.d-evr *yatra-ru-n* know-urgt-3 *kundur* condor *ka-sha-n-ta* be-prf-3-acc 'That's how they found out **he was a condor**.'

With *-na* nominalizations, *-ta* may be omitted. In many instances, *-ta* does not indicate accusative case. *-ta* may indicate the goal of movement of a person, as in (12) and (13), *-n-ta* may indicate path (14) (see also §§3.3.3.1, ex.( 7)).<sup>6</sup>

(12) *Siqashpaqa chuqaykaramun ukuta almataqa.* amv *siqa-shpa-qa* ascend-subis-top *chuqa-yka-ra-mu-n* throw-excep-urgt-cisl-3 *uku-ta* inside-acc *alma-ta-qa* soul-acc-top 'Going up, he threw the ghost **inside**.'

<sup>6</sup> Thanks to Willem Adelaar for pointing this out to me.


*-ta* marks substantives – nouns, adjectives, numerals, derived nouns – when they function as adverbs (15–18).


It may also mark an item directly affected by an event or time period culminating in an event (19).

### 3.3 Substantive inflection

(19) *Chay huk madrugaw trinta i unu di abrilta lluqsirun waway.* amv *chay* dem.d *huk* one *madrugaw* morning *trinta* thirty *i* and *unu* one *di* of *abril-ta* April-acc *lluqsi-ru-n* go.out-urgt-3 *wawa-y* baby-1 'On that morning, **the thirty-first of April**, my son left the house [and was kidnapped].'

With verbs referring to natural phenomena, *-ta* may mark a place affected by an event (20), (21).


With verbs of communication, it may mark the person receiving the communication (22), (23).

(22) *"Kay swirupis allquypaqpis. Faltan", nikurunshi subrinuntaqa.* lt *kay* dem.d *swiru-pis* whey-add *allqu-y-paq-pis* dog-1-ben-add *falta-n* lack-3 *ni-ku-ru-n-shi* say-refl-urgt-3-evr *subrinu-n-ta-qa* nephew-3-acc-top '"This whey of mine, too, is for my dog. There isn't enough," he said **to his nephew**.'

(23) *Tarpuriptinchikpis mikunchu wak Shullita wak Erminiota nini.* amv *tarpu-ri-pti-nchik-pis* plant-incep-subds-1pl-add *miku-n-chu* eat-3-neg *wak* dem.d *Shulli-ta* Shulli-acc *wak* dem.d *Erminio-ta* Erminio-acc *ni-ni* say-1 'If we plant it, they won't eat it, I said **to my younger brother**, **to Erminio**.'

### **3.3.3.10 Instrumental, comitative** *-wan*

*-wan* indicates means or company. *-wan* may mark an instrument or item which is essential to the event (1), (2).


*-wan* marks all means of transportation (3).

(3) *Karruwantri kapas trayamunña. Mutuwanshi hamula.* ch *karru-wan-tri* car-instr-evc *kapas* maybe *traya-mu-n-ña* arrive-cisl-3-disc *mutu-wan-shi* motorcycle-instr-evr *hamu-la* come-pst 'Maybe she came **on** the bus. She came **by** motorbike, she says.'

It may mark illnesses (4).

(4) *¿Prustatawantri kayanki?* ch *prustata-wan-tri* prostate-instr-evc *ka-ya-nki* be-prog-2 'Would you have prostate [problems]?'

### 3.3 Substantive inflection

*-wan* may mark any animate individual who takes part in an event together with the performer (5), (6); it may also mark the actor in an event referred to by a causative verb (7).


*wan* may mark coordinate relations between nouns or nominal groups; case matching attaches to all items except the last in a coordinate series (8). It can usually be translated 'with'.

(8) *Milawan Aliciawan Hilda trayaramun. †* amv *Mila-wan* Mila-instr *Alicia-wan* Alicia-instr *Hilda* Hilda *traya-ra-mu-n* arrive-urgt-cisl-3 'Hilda arrived **with** Mila and Alicia.'

### **3.3.3.11 Possible combinations**

Combinations of case suffixes are rare. They do occur, however, notably with *-pa*, *-wan*, and *-hina*. Where a noun phrase marked with genitive *-pa* or*-paq* functions as an anaphor, the phrase may be case marked as its referent would be (1), (2). Note that in (2) the accusative has no phonological reflex in the English gloss.


In addition to functioning as a case marker, *-wan* also serves to conjoin noun phrases. In this capacity, *-wan* may follow other case markers (3), (4).


### 3.3 Substantive inflection

Elicited examples (5), (6) follow Parker (1976).


Comparative *-hina* may also combine with other case markers (7), (8).


### **3.3.3.12 More specific noun-noun relations**

Noun-noun relations more specific than the 'in' and 'of', for example, of *-pi* and *-pa* are expressed by noun phrases headed by nouns which name relative positions (see §3.2.1.4 on locative nouns) (1–4). Such nouns include, for example, *qipa* 'rear'; *hawa* 'top'; and *trawpi* 'center'. The head (relational) noun is inflected for person, agreeing with the noun to which it is related; this noun may be inflected with genitive *-pa* (*pantyun-pa qipa-n* 'behind the cemetery' lit. 'of the cemetery its behind').


### **3.4 Substantive derivation**

In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, suffixes deriving substantives may be divided into two classes, governing and restrictive. Governing suffixes may be further divided into two subclasses: those which derive substantives from verbs (*-na*, *-q*, *-sHa*, *-y*) and those which derive substantives from other substantives (*-ntin*, *-sapa*, *-yuq*, *-masi*). syq has a single restrictive suffix deriving substantives, diminutive *-cha*. *-lla* also functions to restrict substantives, but it is treated here not as a derivational morpheme but as an enclitic. §§3.4.1 and 3.4.2 cover the the governing suffixes deriving substantives from verbs and those deriving substantives from other substantives, respectively.

### **3.4.1 Substantive derived from verbs**

Four suffixes derive substantives from verbs in syq: *-na*, *-q*, *-sHa*, and *-y*. All four form both relative and complement clauses. *-na*, *-q*, *-sHa*, and *-y* form subjunc-

### 3.4 Substantive derivation

tive, agentive, indicative, and infinitive clauses, respectively. The nominalizing suffixes attach directly to the verb stem, with the exception that the first- and second-person object suffixes, *-wa*/*ma* and *-sHa*, may intervene. §3.4.1.1–3.4.1.4 cover *-na*, *-q*, *-sHa*, and *-y* in turn.

### **3.4.1.1** *-na*

*-na* derives nouns that refer to (a) the instrument with which the action named by the base is realized (*alla-na* 'harvesting tool') (1), (2); (b) the place in which the event referred to occurs (*michi-na* 'pasture') (3); and (c) the object in which the action named by the base is realized (*upya-na* 'drinking water', *milla-na* 'nausea') (4), (5).


(5) *Mikunantapis lliw lliwshi sibadanta trigunta ima kaqtapis katriwan takurachisa.* ach *miku-na-n-ta-pis* eat-nmlz-3-acc-add *lliw* all *lliw-shi* all-evr *sibada-n-ta* barley-3-acc *trigu-n-ta* wheat-3-add *ima* what *ka-q-ta-pis* be-ag-acc-add *katri-wan* salt-instr *taku-ra-chi-sa* mix-urgt-caus-npst 'Their **food**, too, everything, everything, their barley, their wheat, anything, they mixed it with salt.'

Followed by a possessive suffix plus the copula auxiliary inflected for third person (null just in case tense/aspect are not specified), *-na* indicates necessity (i.e., it forms a universal deontic/teleological modal) (*taqsa-na-yki* 'you have to wash') (6), (7).


The past tense of necessity is formed by adding *ka-RQa*, the third person simple past tense form of *ka-* 'be' (*palla-na-y ka-ra* 'I had to pick') (8), (9).

(8) *Kutikamura qari wambra: yaykunan kara manaña atiparachu.* ach *kuti-ka-mu-ra* return-passacc-cisl-pst *qari* man *wambra-:* child-1 *yayku-na-n* enter-nmlz-3 *ka-ra* be-pst *mana-ña* no-disc *atipa-ra-chu* be.able-pst-neg 'My son came back – he **was supposed to** enter [university] but he couldn't any more.'

3.4 Substantive derivation

(9) *Shinkakunaqa kasunan kara madriqa rabyasatr kutin.* amv *shinka-kuna-qa* drunk-pl-top *kasu-na-n* pay.attention-nmlz-3 *ka-ra* be-pst *madri-qa* nun-top *rabya-sa-tr* be.mad-prf-evc *kuti-n* return-3 'The drunks **had to** pay [**should have** paid] attention. The nun must have gotten mad.'

In combination with the purposive case suffix *-paq*, *-na* forms subordinate clauses that indicate the purpose of the action in the main clause (*qawa-na-y-paq* 'so I can see') (10–13).


*-na* forms subjunctive complement clauses with the verb *muna-* 'want' (*tushu-nan-ta muna-ni* 'I want her to dance') (14), (15).


*-na* nominalizations, relative to the event of the main clause, refer to actions still to be completed (16), (17).


### **3.4.1.2 Agentive** *-q*

*-q* is agentive, deriving nouns that refer to the agent of the verb to which it attaches (*michi-q* 'shepherd', *ara-q* 'plower') (1–4).

3.4 Substantive derivation


*-q* nominalizations may form adjectival and relative clauses (*chinka-ku-q pashña* 'the lost girl', 'the girl who was lost') (5–8).



With verbs of movement, *-q* forms complement clauses indicating the purpose of the displacement (*taki-q hamu-nqa* 'they will come to sing') (9–11).


With the verb *kay* 'be' *-q* forms the habitual past (*asi-ku-q ka-nki* 'you used to laugh') (12–14) (see §4.3.3.3.4).

(12) *Unayqa paykunaqa … mantilta ruwaq, mantilta burdaq, unayqa.* amv *unay-qa* long.ago-top *pay-kuna-qa* he-pl-top *mantil-ta* table.cloth-acc *ruwa-q* make-ag *mantil-ta* table.cloth-acc *burda-q* embroider-ag *unay-qa* long.ago-top

3.4 Substantive derivation

'Formerly, they **used to** make table cloths; they **used to** embroider table cloths, formerly.'

(13) *Huybisninpa dumingunpa kisuta apaq ka: ishkay.* ach *huybis-ni-n-pa* Thursday-euph-3-loc *dumingu-n-pa* Sunday-3-loc *kisu-ta* cheese-acc *apa-q* bring-ag *ka-:* be-1 *ishkay* two 'On Thursdays and Sundays, I **used to bring** two cheeses [to sell].'

(14) *Sirdallawan chumakuq kanchik, kaspichallawan aychiq kanchik. Winku purucham kaq. Antis.* amv *sirda-lla-wan* bristle-rstr-instr *chuma-ku-q* strain-refl-ag *ka-nchik,* be-1pl *kaspi-cha-lla-wan* stick-dim-rstr-instr *aychi-q* stir-ag *ka-nchik* be-1pl *winku* crooked *puru-cha-m* pot-dim-evd *ka-q* be-ag *antis* before '**We used to strain** it with just bristles, **we used to stir** it with just a stick. **There used to be** a crooked little bottle. Before.'

### **3.4.1.3 Perfective** *-sHa*

*-sHa* is perfective, deriving stative participles. It is realized as *-sa* in ach, amv, and sp and as *-sha* in lt and ch. *-sHa* nominalizations form adjectives (*chaki-sa* 'dried') (1–2) as well as relative (*apa-sa-y* 'that I bring') (3–7), and complement clauses (*atipa-sha-y-ta* 'what I can') (8–10).



3.4 Substantive derivation

(10) *Ñuqapataqa silinsyu kaptin munashantaña ruwayan.* lt *ñuqa-pa-ta-qa* I-gen-acc-top *silinsyu* abandoned *ka-pti-n* be-subds-3 *muna-sha-n-ta-ña* want-prf-3-acc-disc *ruwa-ya-n* make-prog-3 'When it falls silent, they're doing **what they want** to my things.'

*-sHa* complement clauses are common with the verbs *yatra-* 'know', *qunqa-* 'forget', *qawa* 'see' and *uyaRi-* 'hear' (*upya-sa-n-ta uyari-rqa-ni* 'I heard that he drank') (11).

(11) *Ñuqaqa wambran qipikusanta qawarqanichu.* amv *ñuqa-qa* I-top *wambra-n* child-3 *qipi-ku-sa-n-ta* carry-refl-prf-3-acc *qawa-rqa-ni-chu* see-pst-1-neg 'I didn't see **that she carried** her baby.'

As substantives, they are inflected with possessive suffixes, not verbal suffixes (*ranti-sa-yki \*ranti-sa-nki* 'that you sold'); these may be reinforced with possessive pronouns (*qam-pa ranti-sa-yki* 'that *you* sold') (12).

(12) *Qampa rantikurasaykiyá chay shakash.* amv *qam-pa* you-gen *rantiku-ra-sayki-yá* sell-urgt-2>1-emph *chay* dem.d *shakash* guinea.pig 'That guinea pig **that** *you* **sold me**.'

*-sHa* may also form nouns referring to the place where an event, e, occurs (*dipurti ka-sha-n* 'where there are sports') (13–15).


'They're watching television – the ball-players and **where there are sports**.'

(15) *Riyasanpiqa trayarun, pwintiman.* amv *ri-ya-sa-n-pi-qa* go-prog-prf-3-loc-top *traya-ru-n,* arrive-urgt-3 *pwinti-man* bridge-all 'He arrived **where he was going**, at a bridge.'

*-sHa* nominalizations, relative to the e of the main clause, refer to actions already completed (16), (17).


### **3.4.1.4 Infinitive** *-y*

*-y* indicates the infinitive or what in English would be a gerund (*tushu-y* 'to dance, dancing') (1), (2).


### 3.4 Substantive derivation

*-y* nominalizations may refer to the object or event in which the verb stem is realized (*ishpa-* 'urinate' → *ishpa-y* 'urine'; *nana-* 'hurt' → *nana-y* 'pain'; *rupa-* 'burn' → *rupa-y* 'sunshine') (3–7).


(5) *Tutal sudayllaña hamukuyan kwirpunchikpapis "¡Chaq! ¡Chaq! ¡Chaq!" sutukuyan sudayniki.* ach *tutal* completely *suda-y-lla-ña* sweat-inf-rstr-disc *hamu-ku-ya-n* come-refl-prog-3 *kwirpu-nchik-pa-pis* body-1pl-loc-add *chaq* tak *chaq* tak *chaq* tak *sutu-ku-ya-n* drip-refl-prog-3 *suda-y-ni-ki* sweat-inf-euph-2 'Just a whole lot of **sweat** is coming out on our bodies – "*Chak! Chak! Chak!*" – your **sweat** is dripping.'

(6) *¿Uktubri paqwaypiñachu hamunki?* ch *uktubri* October *paqwa-y-pi-ña-chu* finish-inf-loc-disc-q *hamu-nki* come-2 'Are you coming at **the end** of October?'

(7) *Aligrakuyan suygran wañukusantatr. Manayá pampakuyninpa karqachu, ¿aw?* amv *aligra-ku-ya-n* happy-refl-prog-3 *suygra-n* mother.in.law-3 *wañu-ku-sa-n-ta-tr* die-refl-prf-3-acc-evc *mana-yá* no-emph *pampa-ku-y-ni-n-pa* bury-refl-inf-euph-3-loc *ka-rqa-chu* be-pst-q *aw* yes 'He must be very happy his mother-in-law died. He wasn't at her **burial**, was he?'

*-y* nominalizations form adjectival and relative clauses (*ranti-y kahun* 'bought casket', *yanu-ku-y tardi* 'the afternoon that we cook') (8–10) and infinitive complement clauses (*waqa-y-ta qalla-ku-n* 'it started to wail') (11).


The latter are particularly common with the auxiliary verbs *muna-* 'want,' *atipa-* 'be able,' and *yatra-* 'know' (*iskribi-y-ta muna-ni* 'I want to write') (12–16).


3.4 Substantive derivation

(14) *Wak vakaypa atakanmi mal kayan puriyta atipanchu.* amv *wak* dem.d *vaka-y-pa* cow-1-gen *ataka-n-mi* leg-3-evd *mal* bal *ka-ya-n* be-prog-3 *puri-y-ta* walk-inf-acc *atipa-n-chu* be.able-3-neg 'My cow's leg is hurt – she **can't walk**.'


Infinitive complements are case-marked with accusative *-ta* (17).

(17) *Wakhina mana vininu tumayta munashpatri manam yaykuyta munanchu ubihaqa.* amv *wak-hina* dem.d-comp *mana* no *vininu* poison *tuma-y-ta* take-inf-acc *muna-shpa-tri* want-subis-evc *mana-m* no-evd *yayku-y-ta* enter-inf-acc *muna-n-chu* want-3-neg *ubiha-qa* sheep-top 'Like that, not wanting to drink poison, the sheep don't want to go in.'

In the ch dialect, accusative marking in this structure is sometimes elided, (18).

(18) *Manam lulay munanchu.* ch *mana-m* no-evd *lula-y* make-inf *muna-n-chu* want-3-neg 'He doesn't want to do it.'

### **3.4.2 Substantives derived from substantives**

Four suffixes derive substantives from substantives in syq: *-kuna*, *-ntin*, *-sapa*, and *-yuq*. The first two of these – *-kuna* and *-ntin* – indicate accompaniment, adjacency, or completeness (*llama-n-kuna* 'with her llama', *amiga-ntin* 'with her friends'); *-yuq* and *-sapa* indicate possession (*llama-yuq* 'person with llamas', *llama-sapa* 'person with more llamas than usual'). §3.4.2.1–3.4.2.4 cover *-kuna*, *-ntin*, *-sapa*; and *-yuq*, in turn.

### **3.4.2.1 Non-exhaustivity** *-kuna<sup>2</sup>*

*-kuna<sup>2</sup>* indicates that the referent of its base is accompanied by another entity, generally of the same class (*qusa-yki-kuna* 'your husband and all') (1–4).


### 3.4 Substantive derivation

'"There's a barbecue **and all** – we're going to eat really, really well this afternoon," said [the rabbit].'

### **3.4.2.2 Accompaniment, adjacency** *-ntin*

*-ntin* indicates that the referent of the base accompanies or is adjacent to another entity (*allqu-ntin* 'with her dog') (1–4).


### **3.4.2.3 Multiple possession** *-sapa*

*-sapa* derives a nouns referring to the possessor of the referent of the base. It differs from *-yuq* in that what is possessed is possessed in greater proportion than is

usual<sup>7</sup> (*uma* 'head' → *uma-sapa* 'person with a head bigger than usual', *yuya-y* 'memory' → *yuya-y-sapa* 'person with a memory better than usual'. In the literature on Quechua it is sometimes referred to as "super" possession (posession of more than usual).


### **3.4.2.4 Possession** *-yuq*

*-yuq* derives nouns referring to the possessor of the referent of the base (1–3).


<sup>7</sup> Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for correcting my understanding of this structure.

3.4 Substantive derivation

(3) *Wiñan altupam puka waytachayuqmi.* amv *wiña-n* grow-3 *altu-pa-m* high-loc-evd *puka* red *wayta-cha-yuq-mi* flower-dim-poss-evd '**The one with a little red flower** grows in the hills.'

Ownership applies to substantives, including interrogative indefinites (4), numerals (5), pronouns (6), and so on.


In case the base ends in a consonant, the semantically vacuous particle *-ni* precedes *-yuq* (7).

(7) *Kuknin kasa kaqniqu huknin mana kaqniqu.* amv *huk-ni-n* one-euph-3 *ka-sa* be-npst *ka-q-ni-qu* be-ag-euph-poss *huk-ni-n* one-euph-3 *mana* no *ka-q-ni-qu* be-ag-euph-poss 'One was **wealthy**, one **had nothing**.'

[yuq] is in free variation with [qu] following [i] (8).

(8) *¿Ayka watayuq nishurankitaqqa?* amv *ayka* how.many *wata-yuq* year-poss *ni-shu-ra-nki-taq-qa?* say-3>2-pst-3>2-seq-top 'How **old** did she tell you she was?'

*-yuq* is used in the expression 'to be n years old' (9) as well as in the construction of compound numerals (10).


*-yuq* nouns may function adverbially without case-marking or other modification (11), (12).


### **3.4.2.5 Partnership** *-masi*

*-masi* indicates partnership. It attaches to ns to derive ns generally translated 'n-mate' 'fellow n' (1), (2), or 'co-n' (*puñu-q* → *puñu-q-masi* 'bedmate'). *-masi* is not very widely employed.

3.4 Substantive derivation


### **3.4.2.6 Restrictive suffix:** *-cha*

*-cha* attaches to ns to derive ns with the meaning 'little n' (1–3).


(3) *Turnuchawan ñuqakunaqa trabaha:.* ch *turnu-cha-wan* turn-dim-instr *ñuqa-kuna-qa* I-pl-top *trabaha-:* work-1 'We work by **short** turns.'

It may also express an affectionate attitude toward the referent of n (4).

(4) *Katraramuy indikananpaq, Hildacha.* amv *katra-ra-mu-y* send-urgt-cisl-imp *indika-na-n-paq* indicate-nmlz-3-purp *Hilda-cha* Hilda-dim 'Send him so that he shows him, Hilda, **dear**.'

(5) is taken from a song in which a girl addresses her lover.

(5) *Pulvuchapaq tapaykullasa, wayrachapaq apaykullasa, kay sityuchaman trayaykamunki.* sp *pulvu-cha-paq* dust-dim-abl *tapa-yku-lla-sa* cover-excep-rstr-prf *wayra-cha-paq* wind-dim-abl *apa-yku-lla-sa* bring-excep-rstr-prf *kay* dem.p *sityu-cha-man* place-dim-all *traya-yka-mu-nki* arrive-excep-cisl-2 'Covered with dust, carried by the wind, you're going to come to this place.'

Applied to other substantives *-cha* may function as a limitative. In these cases, it is generally translated 'just' or 'only' (6).

(6) *Chaychapam kakullayan.* amv *chay-cha-pa-m* dem.d-dim-loc-evd *ka-ku-lla-ya-n* be-refl-rstr-prog-3 'It's **just** right there.'

The forms *Mama-cha* (mother-dim) and *tayta-cha* (father-dim) are lexicalized, meaning 'grandmother' and 'grandfather' respectively (7).

(7) *Tiyu:pa sirvintin mamacha:pis sirvintin ñuqa kara:.* amv *tiyu-:-pa* uncle-1-gen *sirvinti-n* servant-3 *mama-cha-:-pis* mother-dim-1-add *sirvinti-n* servant-3 *ñuqa* I *ka-ra-:* be-pst-1 'I was my uncles's and my **grandmother's** servant.'

3.4 Substantive derivation

In addition to *-cha*, speakers sometimes employ the borrowed Spanish diminutive suffix, *-itu/a* (or its post-consonant form *-citu/a*) (8).

(8) *Chay urunguysitu lluqsiramushqa chay kahapaq.* amv *chay* dem.d *urunguy-situ* fly-dim *lluqsi-ra-mu-shqa* go.out-urgt-cisl-subis *chay* dem.d *kaha-paq* coffin-abl 'That **little** fly came out of the coffin.'

# **4 Verbs**

This chapter covers the verbal system of Southern Yauyos Quechua. Its four sections treat verb stems, verb types, verbal inflection and verbal derivation, in that order.

### **4.1 Verb stems**

In Southern Yauyos Quechua, as in other Quechuan languages, verb stems always end in a vowel (*yanapa-* 'help'). Verb stems are bound forms: with the single exception of *haku* 'let's go!' they never appear in isolation. They are subject to both inflectional and derivational processes, both suffixing (*wañu-n*, die-3, 'they die'; *wañu-chi-n*, die-caus-3, 'they kill'). The order of inflectional suffixes is fixed; the order of derivational suffixes is highly regular but admits exception. Inflection for person is obligatory (*\*qawa-katra-ya* see-freq-prog); derivational processes are optional (*qawa-n* see-3). The different person suffixes are mutually exclusive; different derivational suffixes may attach in series (*qipi-ra-chi-ku-sa* carry-urgt-caus-refl-npst 'she got herself carried').

### **4.2 Types of verbs**

Quechua verb stems are usually classed as (di-)transitive (*qu-* 'give', *riku-* 'see'), intransitive (*puñu-* 'sleep'), or copulative (*ka-* 'be'). A fourth class can be set apart: onomatopoetic verbs (*chuqchuqya-* 'nurse, make the sound of a calf nursing'). Special cases include the deictic verb *hina-*, the dummy verb *na-*, and the combining verbs *-naya-* 'give desire' (§4.4.1.6) and *-na-* 'do what, matter, and happen' (§4.4.1.5). §4.2.1–4.2.4 cover transitive, intransitive, equational, and onomatopoetic verbs, in turn.

### **4.2.1 Transitive verbs**

Transitive verbs are standardly defined for Quechuan languages as those that can take regular-noun direct objects case-marked accusative (*llama-ta maqa-rqa* 'They hit the llama') (1–4).

### 4 Verbs


In addition to regular transitives, verbs of motion (*lluqsi-* 'leave') (5) and impersonal ("weather") verbs (*riti-* 'snow') (6), (7) may appear in clauses with regular nouns case-marked *-ta*. In these instances, however, *-ta* does not indicate accusative case.<sup>1</sup>


<sup>1</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that the verbs in (6) and (7) could be interpreted as transitive (telic) verbs with accusative arguments. *para-*, for example, is interpretable as 'rain on' and *pukuta-* as 'cloud over', in which case *-ta* in *llaqta-yki-ta* and*-kta* in *llaqta-kta* would have to be interpreted as genuine accusatives.

4.2 Types of verbs

(7) *Tukuy puntraw pukutalunqa llaqtakta.* ch *tukuy* all *puntraw* day *pukuta-lu-nqa* cloud-urgt-3.fut *llaqta-kta* town-acc 'It's going to cloud over **on** the town all day.'

### **4.2.2 Intransitive verbs**

Intransitive verbs are those, like *puñu-* 'sleep' (1) and *wiña-* 'grow' (2), that cannot occur in clauses including a regular noun case-marked accusative (*\*puñu-ni kama-ta* target meaning: 'I sleep the bed'). Also included among the intransitives are the impersonal weather verbs, like *qasa-* 'freeze', which do not take subjects (*qasa-ya-n* 'it's freezing').<sup>2</sup>


Verbs of motion (*hamu-* 'come', *lluqsi-* 'exit') form a subclass of intransitive verbs. These often have adverbial complements marked with the directional suffixes *-ta* (accusative), *-man* (allative, dative), *-paq* (ablative) and *-kama* (limitative) (3), (4), and they may occur in clauses that include a nominalization with the agentive suffix *-q* indicating the purpose of movement (5), (6).

(3) *Chay huk madrugaw trinta i unu di abrilta lluqsirun waway.* amv *chay* dem.d *huk* one *madrugaw* morning *trinta* thirty *i* and *unu* one *di* of *abril-ta* April-acc *lluqsi-ru-n* go.out-urgt-3 *wawa-y* baby-1 'On that morning, **the thirty-first of April**, my son **left** the house [and was kidnapped].'

<sup>2</sup> The weather verbs admit only their corresponding weather nouns for subjects. *Para para-ya-n*. 'The rain is raining.'

### 4 Verbs


### **4.2.3 Copulative/equational verbs**

syq counts a single copulative verb, *ka-*. Like the English verb *be*, *ka-* has both copulative ('I am a llama') (1), (2) and existential ('There are llamas') (3), (4) interpretations.

(1) *Ñuqa-nchik fwirti kanchik, patachita, matrkata, trakranchik lluqsiqta mikushpam.* amv *ñuqa-nchik* I-1pl *fwirti* strong *ka-nchik* be-1pl *patachi-ta* wheat.soup-acc *matrka-ta* ground.cereal.meal-acc *trakra-nchik* field-1pl *lluqsi-q-ta* come.out-ag-acc *miku-shpa-m* eat-subis-evd 'We **are** strong because we eat what comes out of our fields – wheat soup and machka.'

4.2 Types of verbs


Combined with the progressive, *ya-*, it may but need not have a stative interpretation as well (equivalent to the Spanish *estar*) (5), (6).


*ka-* is irregular: the third person singular present tense form, *ka-n*, never appears in equational statements, but only in existential statements (7), (8).<sup>3</sup>

(7) *Wira wiram matraypi puñushpa, allin pastuta mikushpam.* amv *wira* fat *wira-m* fat-evd *matray-pi* cave-loc *puñu-shpa* sleep-subis *allin* good *pastu-ta* pasture.grass-acc *miku-shpa-m* eat-subis-evd 'Sleeping in a cave and eating good pasture, my cow **is** really fat.'

<sup>3</sup> The verbal system includes just two irregularities, the second being that *haku* 'let's go' is never conjugated.

### 4 Verbs

(8) *Llutanshiki.* lt *llutan-shi-ki* deformed-evr-iki 'They **are** deformed, they say.'

In these cases, *ka-ya-n* may be employed instead (9), (10).


### **4.2.4 Onomatopoetic verbs**

Onomatopoetic verbs can be distinguished from other verbs by the shape of their stem. The majority involve the repetition – two to four times – of a syllable or syllable group, most often with the suffixation of *-ya*. Four patterns dominate:

Pattern 1: ([C1V<sup>1</sup> (C2)]S1)[C1V<sup>1</sup> (C2)]S1[C1V<sup>1</sup> (C2)]S1 (*-ya*)(*-ku*)

Pattern 1 involves the repetition of a single syllable twice or three times, generally with *-ya* or, more rarely, *-ku* or *-ya-ku*, i.e., (S<sup>1</sup> )S1S<sup>1</sup> (*-ya*)(*-ku*).

*qurqurya-* 'snore' and *luqluqluqya-* 'boil' are two good examples. Further examples are given in Table 4.1.

Pattern 2: [C1V<sup>1</sup> (C2)]S1[C3V1]S2[C3V1]S2[C3V1]S2(*-ya*)(*-ku*)

Pattern 2, like Pattern 1, involves the repetition of a single syllable generally with *-ya* or, more rarely, *-ku* or *-ya-ku*. Pattern 2 differs from Pattern 1, however, in that the repeated syllable is (1) always repeated three times; (2) never includes a coda; and (3) is preceded by a non-cognate syllable which generally if not always includes the same vowel as does the repeated syllable, i.e., S1S2S2S2(*-ya*)(*-ku*). *bunrururu-* 'thunder' is a good example of this pattern. Further examples are given in Table 4.2.

Pattern 3:

([[C1V1(C2)]S1[C1V1(C2)]S2]U1)[[C1V1(C2)]S1[C1V1(C2)]S2]U1[[C1V1(C2)]S1[C1V1(C2)]S2]U1(*-ya*)(*-ku*)

4.2 Types of verbs



Table 4.2: Onomatopoetic verbs Pattern 2 examples


Table 4.3: Onomatopoetic verbs Pattern 3 examples


Pattern 3 replaces the single syllable of Pattern 1 with a two-syllable unit, *i.e.*, ([S1S2]U1)[S1S2]U1[S1S2]U1(-ya)(-ku).

One example is *chiplichipli-* 'sparkle'. Further examples are given in Table 4.3.

Pattern 4: Pattern 4, like Patterns 1 and 3, involves the repetition of a single syllable or two-syllable unit two or three times, generally with *-ya* or *-ku*. Pattern 4 differs from Patterns 1 and 3, however, in that the final consonant in the final iteration is eliminated or changed. Examples of this pattern include *waqwaqwaya-* 'guffaw' and *chalaqchalanya-* 'clang'. Table 4.4 supplies more.

There are further, less common variations. For example, *kurutukutu-* 'make the sound of a male guinea pig chasing a female guinea pig' involves the repeTable 4.4: Onomatopoetic verbs Pattern 4 examples


tition of a three-syllable unit with the elimination of the second syllable in the final iteration.


4.3 Verb inflection

### **4.3 Verb inflection**

### **4.3.1 Summary**

Verbs in syq, as in other Quechuan languages, inflect for person, number, tense, conditionality, imperativity, aspect, and subordination.

In practice, syq counts three persons: first, second, and third (*ñuqa*, *qam*, and *pay*). syq verbs inflect for plurality in the first person (*-nchik*); singular and plural suffixes are identical in the second and third persons (*-nki*, *-n*). Although syq makes available a three-way distinction between dual, inclusive and exclusive in the first person plural (*ñuqanchik*, *ñuqanchikkuna*, *nuqakuna*), in practice, in all but the ch dialect, the dual form is employed in all three cases; inclusive and exclusive interpretations are supplied by context, both linguistic and extralinguistic.

Transitive verbs with non-reflexive first or second person objects inflect for actor-object reference (*-wan*, *-yki*, etc.) Verbal inflection in syq marks three tenses, present, past (*-RQa*), and future (portmanteau); the perfect (*-sHa*); the progressive (*-ya*); the present and past conditional (*-man* (*karqa*)); and the second person and first person plural imperative (*-y*, *-shun*) and third person injunctive (*-chun*). In practice, syq counts two adverbial subordinating suffixes, one employed when the subjects of the main and subordinated clauses are different (*-pti*); the other when they are the identical (*-shpa*). A third subordinating suffix (*-shtin*), also employed when the subjects of the two clauses are identical, is recognized, if not frequently used. Inflectional suffixes (ia) follow derivational suffixes (da), if any are present; derivational suffixes attach to the verb stem (vs). Thus, a syq verb is built: vs – (da) – ia (see §7.1 and 7.12 on constituent order and sentences).

The dialects of syq differ in the suffixes they employ in the first person. One set – amv and lt – follow the pattern of the qii languages, employing *-ni* to mark the first-person singular nominative and *-wa* to mark the accusative/dative; another set – ach, sp, ch – follow the qi pattern, employing *-:* (vowel length) for the first-person singular nominative and *-ma* for the accusative dative. The personnumber suffixes are: *-ni* or -: (1p), *-nki* (2p), *-n* (3p), and *-nchik* or *-ni*/ *-:* (1pl). syq verbs also inflect for actor-object reference. The subject-object suffixes are: *-yki* (1>2), *-wanki* or *-manki* (2>1), *-wan* or *-man* (3>1, *-shunki* (3>2), *-wanchik* or *-manchik* (3>1pl), and *-sHQayki* (1>2.fut). Examples: *ni-nki* 'you say'; *qawa-yki* 'I see you' (see §4.3.2).

The simple present tense is unspecified for time. It generally indicates temporally unrestricted or habitual action. The simple present tense is indicated by the

### 4 Verbs

suffixation of person-number suffixes alone; these are unaccompanied by any other inflectional markers. Example: *yanu-ni* (*sapa puntraw*) 'I cook (every day)' (see §4.3.3.1).

Future suffixes simultaneously indicate person, number and tense. The future suffixes are: *-shaq* (1p), *-nki* (2p), *-nqa* (3p), and *-shun* (1pl). Note that the second person future suffix is identical to the second person simple present suffix. Examples: *chawa-shaq* 'I will milk'; *pawa-nki* 'you will jump'; *picha-nqa* 'they will sweep' (see §4.3.3.2).

The simple past tense alone generally does not receive a completive interpretation; indeed, speakers generally translate it into Spanish with the present perfect. The simple past tense is indicated by the suffix *-RQa*, realized as *-rqa* in amv, *-ra* in ach, lt, sp, and *-la* in ch. These are immediately followed by person-number suffixes which are identical to the present tense person-number suffixes with the single exception that the third person is realized not as *-n* but as *-*ø. Examples: *qawa-rqa-ni* 'I saw' or 'I have seen'; *patrya-la-*ø 'it/they exploded or 'it/they has/have exploded'; *hamu-ra-nki* 'you came' or 'you have come' (see §4.3.3.3.1).

The quotative simple past tense can be used in story-telling. The quotative simple past is indicated by the suffix *-sHQa*, realized as *-sa* in ach, amv and sp and *-sha* in ch and lt. It is sometimes realized in all dialects as *-shqa* in the first and sometimes last line of a story. Examples: *nasi-sa-:* 'I was born'; *ri-shqa* 'he went'; *hamu-sa-*ø 'they came' (see §4.3.3.3.2).

Within the morphological paradigm, *-sHa* – realized as *-sa* in ach, amv and sp and *-sha* in ch and lt – occupies a slot that seems to be reserved for the perfect. Its interpretation, however, is more subtle and it is most often employed as a completive past. *-sHa* is immediately followed by the same person-number suffixes as is simple past (i.e., the third person is realized as*-*ø). Example: *ri-sa-nki* 'you have gone' (see §4.3.3.3.3).

The iterative past is indicated by the combination – as independent words – of the agentive verb form (V*-q*) and – in the first and second persons – the corresponding present tense form of the verb *-ka* 'to be'. Examples: *ri-q* 'she used to go'; *ri-q ka-nchik* 'we used to go' (see §4.3.3.3.4).

The conditional (also called "potential" or "irrealis") covers more territory than does the conditional in English. It corresponds to the existential and universal ability, circumstantial, deontic, epistemic, and teleological modals of English. The regular conditional is indicated by the suffix *-man*. *-man* is immediately preceded by person-number suffixes. In the case of the first person singular, the suffixes of the nominal (possessive) paradigm are employed: *-y* in the amv and lt dialects and *-:* in the ach, ch, and sp dialects. Alternative conditional forms are attested in the second person both singular and plural in the amv dialect and first person

### 4.3 Verb inflection

plural in all dialects. *-waq* indicates the second person conditional; *-chuwan*, the first person plural conditional. Both these morphemes simultaneously indicate person and conditionality and are in complementary distribution both with tense and inflectional morphemes. The past conditional is formed by the addition of *ka-RQa* – the third person simple past tense form of *ka-* 'be' to either the regular or alternative present tense conditional form. Examples: *ri-nki-man* 'you can go'; *ri-chuwan* 'we can go' (see §4.3.4).

Imperative suffixes simultaneously indicate person, number and imperativity. The imperative suffixes are: *-y* (2p) and *-shun* (1pl); the injunctive suffix is *-chun* (1pl). Examples: *¡Ri-y!* 'Go!', *¡Ruwa-shun!* 'Let's do it!', and *¡Lluqsi-chun!* 'Let him leave!' (see §4.3.5).

Progressive aspect is indicated by the derivational suffix *-ya*. *-ya* precedes<sup>4</sup> person-number suffixes and time suffixes, if any are present are present. Example: *ri-ya-n* 'she/he/they is/are going'; *ri-ya-ra-*ø 'she/he/they was/were going' (see §4.3.6).

Subordination is not entirely at home with verbal inflection. Subordinating suffixes are different from inflectional suffixes in that, first, they cannot combine with tense, imperativity, or conditionality suffixes, and, second, they are inflected with the person-number suffixes of the nominal paradigm and not those of the verbal paradigm. syq makes use of three subordinating suffixes: *-pti*, *-shpa* and *-shtin*: *-pti* is used when the subjects of the main and subordinate clauses are different; *-shpa* and *-shtin*, when the subjects are identical. Cacra, following the pattern of the qi languages, uses *-r* (realized [l]) in place of *-shpa*. *-pti* is generally translated 'when', but also occasionally receives the translations 'if', 'because', or 'although'. *-shpa* may receive any of these translations, but is most often translated with a gerund. *-shtin* is translated with a gerund exclusively. All three inherit tense, conditionality, and aspect specification from the main-clause verb. *-pti* always inflects for person-number; *-shpa* and *-shtin* never do. Personnumber suffixes are those of the nominal paradigm: *-y* or *-:* (1p), *-Yki* (2p), *-n* (3p), and *-nchik* (1pl). Examples: *Hamu-pti-ki lluqsi-rqa-*ø 'when/because you came, she left'; *Kustumbra-ku-shpa hawka-m yatra-ku-nchik* 'When/if we adjust, we live peacefully' (see §4.3.7).

Table 4.5 summarizes this information. In this and the tables that follow, for reasons of space, unless otherwise specified, all dialects employ the same forms.

<sup>4</sup> The derivational affixes *-mu*, *-chi*, and *-ru* may intervene between *-ya* and the inflectional affixes.

### 4 Verbs

The following abbreviations and conventions are employed:


A verb appearing inside angled brackets <like this> indicates a root without tense, conditionality or aspect specified.

Dialects differ from each other in four sets of cases. They diverge in terms of (1) their treatment of the first person singular and the first person plural exclusive; (2) their realization of the simple past tense morpheme *-RQa*; (3) their realization of the perfect morpheme *-sHa* and (4) their realization of \*/r/.

Table 4.5 displays the differences among the dialects that are relevant to verbal inflection.


Table 4.5: Verbal inflectional suffixes with different realizations in syq dialects

Tables 4.6 and 4.7 give the verbal inflection paradigm of syq. All processes are suffixing, i.e., a verb root precedes all inflectional morphemes. Translations are given as if for the verb *ni-* 'say.' Details of form and use as well as extensive examples follow in §4.3.2–4.3.7.


Table4.6:Verbalinflectionparadigm

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4 Verbs


Table 4.6. Continued from previous page

> Tense

1P

2P

3P

1pl

### 4.3 Verb inflection

Past


'he (has) said to me' 'he (has) said to us'

'you (have) said to

me'




'he (has) said to

you'

Continued

 on next page …

 'I (have) said to

you'



Continued

 on next page …

4.3 Verb inflection 4 Verbs

### **4.3.2 Person and number**

syq non-subordinate verbs inflect for actor and object reference; substantives inflect for allocation.

### **4.3.2.1 Subject**

The first person is indicated in both the verbal and substantive paradigms in ach, ch, and sp by *-:*ach,ch,sp; in amv, lt; these are indicated by *-ni*amv,lt, and *-y*amv,lt, respectively. *-:* and *-ni* attach to verb stems (plus derivational or inflectional suffixes, if any are present, with the single exception that *-ni* cannot precede the conditional suffix *-man*) (*puri-ni*, *puri-:* 'I walk'). *-:* and *-y* attach to the subordinating suffix *-pti* (*qawa-pti-y*, *qawa-pti-:* 'when … I see') and to the verb stem in the conditional (*lluqsi-y -man*, *lluqsi-:-man* 'I could leave').

In all dialects the second person is indicated in the verbal paradigm by *-nki* and in the substantive paradigm by *-yki*. *-nki* attaches to verb stems (plus derivational or inflectional suffixes, if any are present, except *-man*) (*puri-nki* 'you walk'); the *-yki* allomorph *-ki* attaches to the subordinator*-pti* (*qawa-pti-ki* 'when … you see'. In Cacra, *-k* indicates that the second person is the object of an action by the first person in the present tense (*qu-k* 'I give you').

*-n* indicates the third person and *-nchik* refers to a group that includes the speaker and the addressee and, potentially, others in both the verbal and substantive paradigms. *-n* and *-nchik* attach to verb roots (plus derivational and inflectional suffixes, if any are present) (*puri-n* 'he/they walk/s'; *puri-nchik* 'we walk') and the the subordinating suffix *-pti* as well (*qawa-pti-n* 'when … you see' *qawa-pti-nchik* 'when … you see'). This information is summarized in Table 4.8.

### **4.3.2.2 Actor and object reference**

*-wa*amv,lt and *-ma*ach,ch,sp indicate a first person object. Followed by the second person verbal suffix (*-nki*) *-wa* and *-ma* indicate that the speaker is the object of action by the addressee (*qu-wa-nki*, *qu-ma-nki* 'you give me') (1), (2); followed by third person verbal suffix (*-n*), they indicate that the speaker is the object of action by a third person (*qu-wa-n*, *qu-ma-n* 'he/she/they give/s me') (3), (4).

(1) *¡Dios Tayta! ¿Imata willakuyawanki?* amv *Dios* God *tayta* father *ima-ta* what-acc *willa-ku-ya-wa-nki* tell-refl-prog-1.obj-2 'My God! What are **you** telling **me**?'

### 4.3 Verb inflection


Table 4.8: Person suffixes by environment


*-nchik* pluralizes a first-person object (*qu-wa-nchik*, *qu-ma--nchik* 'he/she/they give/s us') (5–7).

(5) *Lliw lliw mushuq kambyachiwanchik rupanchiktam hinashpam kahunman winawanchik.* amv *lliw* all *lliw* all *mushuq* new *kambya-chi-wa-nchik* change-caus-1.obj-1pl *rupa-nchik-ta-m* clothes-1pl-acc-evd *hinashpa-m* then *kahun-man* coffin-all *wina-wa-nchik* toss.in-1.obj-1pl '**They** change **us** into brand new clothes. Then **they** toss **us** into a coffin.'

### 4 Verbs


Followed by second person imperative suffix (*-y*), *-wa/-ma* indicates that the speaker is the object of action by the addressee (*¡Qu-wa-y!*, *¡Qu-ma-y!* 'Give me!') (8), (9).


*-shu*, followed by a second person verbal suffix (*-nki*), indicates that the addressee is the object of action by a third person (*qu-shu-nki* 'he/she/they give/s you') (10).

(10) *Makinchikqa tusku kaptinqa vakapa nanachinqa chichinta saytarushpa diharushunki.* amv *maki-nchik-qa* hand-1pl-top *tusku* rough *ka-pti-n-qa* be-subds-3-top *vaka-pa* cow-gen *nana-chi-nqa* hurt-caus-3.fut *chichi-n-ta* teat-3-acc *sayta-ru-shpa* kick-urgt-subis *diha-ru-shunki* leave-urgt-3>2 'When our hands are rough, they make the cow's teats hurt and **she** kicks and leaves **you**.'

*-sHQayki* indicates that the addressee is the object of future action by the speaker (*qu-sa-yki* 'I give you') (11–14).

4.3 Verb inflection


The object suffixes – *-wa/-ma*, *-shu* and *-sHQa* – succeed aspect suffixes (15–17) and precede tense (18–20) and subordinating suffixes (21–27), as well as the nominalizing suffix *-na* (28), (29) (*qu-ya--wa-nki* 'you are giving me'; *qu-wa-rqa-*ø 'you gave me'; *qu-su-pti-ki* 'when he/she/they gave you'; *qu-wa-na-n-paq* 'so he/she/they give/s me').


'[My] body is hurting. These **people are** pull**ing me** over here like this.'


*hamu-lla-rqa-ni* come-rstr-pst-1 *chikchik* hail *para-lla* rain-rstr *tapa-lla-wa-pti-n* cover-rstr-1.obj-subds-3 *yana* black *puyu-lla* cloud-rstr *ñiti-lla-wa-pti-n* crush-rstr-1.obj-subds-3

'I came **when** the freezing rain was **covering me**, **when** the black fog was **crushing me**.'


Both object and subject suffixes – *-wa/-ma*, *-shu* and *-sHQa*, as well as *-nki*, *-YkI*, and *-n* – precede the conditional suffix *-man* (*qu-wa-nki-man* 'you could give me') (30–32).


Exceptions to these rules arise when object is 1pl. First, the first-person object pluralizer, *-nchik*, does not precede aspect, tense, subordinating, nominalizing and conditional suffixes, but, rather, succeeds them (*ñiti-ru-wa-n-man-chik* 'it could crush us') (33–35).

(33) *Mana kanan tumaytam munanchu qaninpaq shinkarachiwarqanchik.* amv *mana* no *kanan* now *tuma-y-ta-m* drink-inf-acc-evd *muna-n-chu* want-3-neg *qanin-paq* previous-abl *shinka-ra-chi-wa-rqa-nchik* get.drunk-urgt-caus-1.obj-pst-1pl 'She doesn't want to drink now. Earlier, **they had got us drunk**.'

4.3 Verb inflection


Second, 3>1pl future is not indicated by *\*-wa/ma-nqa-nchik*, as it would were it regular, but rather by *-wa/mashun* (36), (37).


Finally, third, just as the 1pl conditional may be indicated by either of two forms, one regular (*-nchik-man*) one alternative/portmanteau (*-chuwan*), the 3>1pl conditional, too, may be indicated by both regular (*-wa/ma-n-man-chik*) and portmanteau forms (*-wa/ma-chuwan*) (*chuka-ru-wa-chuwan* 'it can make us sick'):

(38) *Kayanmi uniku qullqiyuqpaq. ¿Maypam rigalawachuwan runaqa?* amv *ka-ya-n-mi* be-prog-3-evd *uniku* only *qullqi-yuq-paq* money-poss-ben *may-pa-m* where-loc-evd *rigala-wa-chuwan* gift-1.obj-1pl.cond *runa-qa* person-top 'There are only for rich people. Where **can people give us** things for free?'

### 4 Verbs

(39) *Mikumachuwantri.* ach *miku-ma-chuwan-tri* eat-1.obj-1pl.cond-evc '**He** could eat **us**.'

In all other cases, subject-object suffixes combine with standard morphology (40– 42).

(40) *Qampis kuntistamuwankimá.* amv *qam-pis* you-add *kuntista-mu-wa-nki-m-á* answer-cisl-1.obj-2-evd-emph '**You**, too, are **going** to answer **me**.'

(41) *¿Allichawanqachu manachu? Yatrarunqaña kukantaqa qawaykushpa.* amv *alli-cha-wa-nqa-chu* good-fact-1.obj-3.fut-q *mana-chu* no-q *yatra-ru-nqa-ña* know-urgt-3.fut-disc *kuka-n-ta-qa* coca-3-acc-top *qawa-yku-shpa* see-excep-subis 'Is **he going to heal me** or not? He'll find out by looking at his coca.'

(42) *Tirruristam hamuyan. Wak turutatr pagaykushaqqa manam wañuchimanqachu.* ach *tirrurista-m* terrorist-evd *hamu-ya-n* come-prog-3 *wak* dem.d *turu-ta-tr* bull-acc-evc *paga-yku-shaq-qa* pay-excep-1.fut-top *mana-m* no-evd *wañu-chi-ma-nqa-chu* die-caus-1.obj-3.fut-neg 'The terrorists are coming. I'll pay them a bull and **they won't kill me**.'

A typological note: number is expressed in spontaneously-occurring examples only in those cases in which there is a first-person plural object (43). In these cases all syq dialects follow the Southern qii pattern ordering suffixes: obj-tnssbj-num. Note, though, that while in the Southern qii languages *-chik* pluralizes the subject, in syq *-chik* pluralizes the object. There are no spontaneous examples following the Central qii pattern num-obj-tns-sbj.

4.3 Verb inflection

(43) *Mana riqkuna, ¿Imatam rimasayki? Yatranchikchu.* amv *mana* no *ri-q-kuna* go-ag-pl *ima-ta-m* what-acc-evd *rima-sayki* talk-1>2 *yatra-nchik-chu* know-1pl-neg '**People** who haven't gone, what am **I going to say to you**? **We** don't know.'

There are no special forms for third-person objects. A third-person object is indicated by the case-marking of the third-person pronoun *pay* with either accusative *-ta* or allative/dative *-man* (*pay-ta qawa-nchik* 'we see him/her,' *paykuna-man qu-nki* 'you give them') (44).

(44) *Kay swirupis allquypaqpis … nikurunshi subrinuntaqa.* lt *kay* dedm.p *swiru-pis* whey-add *allqu-y-paq-pis* dog-1-ben-add *ni-ku-ru-n-shi* say-refl-urgt-3-evr *subrinu-n-ta-qa* nephew-3-acc-top 'This whey also for my dog also … he said, they say, **to his nephew**.'

First-and second-person object suffixes may be reinforced with similarly casemarked pronouns (45).

(45) *Ñuqata uywamara mamacha: tiyu: tiya:.* sp *ñuqa-ta* I-acc *uywa-ma-ra* raise-1.obj-pst *mama-cha-:* mother-dim-1 *tiyu-:* uncle -1 *tiya-:* aunt-1 'My grandmother and my uncle and aunt **raised** *me*.'

There are no special forms for actors acting on themselves or any group that includes them: reflexive action is indicated with the derivational suffix *-ku*. 'I see myself ' is *ñuqa qawa-ku-ni/-:* and 'I see us' is '*ñuqa ñuqanchik-ta qawa-ni/-:*.

Actor-object suffixes are employed both with transitive and ditransitive verbs (*Miku-ru-shunki* 'He's going to eat you'; *Kay qullqi-ta qu-sqayki* 'I'm going to give you this money'). Actor-object suffixes may be reinforced – but not replaced – by accusative- and dative-marked personal pronouns (*Ñuqa--ta-s harqu-ru-wa-ra-*ø 'He tossed **me** out, too').

Except in the two cases 2>1pl and 3>1pl, where *-chik* indicates a plural object, when either the actor or the object is plural, the verb optionally takes the joint action suffix *-pakU* (3pl>2 *Pay-kuna qu-paku-shunki tanta-ta qam-man*. 'They give you.s bread'; 1>2pl *Ñuqa qu-paku-yki tanta-ta qam-kuna-man* 'I give you.pl bread'). In practice, the plural forms, although recognized, are not spontaneously invoked.

### 4 Verbs

This information is summarized in Table 4.9. Naturally-occurring examples of the five principal subject-object reference processes (1>2, 2>1, 3>1, 3>2, 3>1pl) are presented in (1–45).


Table 4.9: Actor-object inflectional suffixes

### **4.3.3 Tense**

syq counts three tenses: present, past, and future (*maska-nchik* 'we look for', *maska-rqa-nchik* 'we looked for', *maska-shun* 'we will look for'). With the exception of the first person plural, person suffixes in syq are unmarked for number. *-nki* corresponds to the second person singular and plural (*yanapa-nki* 'you.s/pl help; *maylla-nki* 'you.s/pl wash'). *-N* corresponds to the third person singular and plural (*taki-n* 'she/he/it/they sing(s)'). §4.3.3.1–4.3.3.3 cover the simple present, future and past tenses, in turn.

### **4.3.3.1 Simple present**

The present tense subject suffixes in syq are *-ni* and *-:* (1P), *-nki* (2P), *-n* (3P), and *-nchik* (1pl). Examples include: (*atrqay-tuku-ni/-:* '**I** pretend to be an eagle', *kundur-tuku-nki* '**you** pretend to be a condor', *rutu-tuku-n* '**he** pretends to be a *rutu*' (small mountain bird), *qari-tuku-nchik* '**we** pretend to be men'). Table 4.10 displays the present tense inflectional paradigm; Table 4.11 displays the paradigm for present tense inflection with actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for discussion). 1–8 supply examples.

(1) *Wasiyta ñuqaqa pichakuni tallawanmi.* amv *wasi-y-ta* house-1-acc *ñuqa-qa* I-top *picha-ku-ni* sweep-refl-1 *talla-wan-mi* straw-instr-evd '**I** sweep my house with straw.'


Table 4.10: Present tense inflection

Table 4.11: Present tense inflection – actor-object suffixes



### 4 Verbs


Although it generally indicates temporally unrestricted or habitual action, the simple present is in fact unmarked for time. Present tense forms may also receive past tense or future tense interpretations in different contexts (*qawa-chi-n* 'he showed/shows/will show') (9).

(9) *Chaytaqa qawaykushpa valurta hapini.* amv *chay-ta-qa* dem.d-acc-top *qawa-yku-shpa* see-excep-subis *valur-ta* courage-acc *hapi-ni* grab-1 'Looking at that, I gather**ed** courage.'

syq makes available a three-way distinction in the first person plural, between *ñuqanchik* (dual), *ñuqanchikkuna* (inclusive), and *ñuqakuna* (exclusive). In practice, *ñuqanchik* is employed with dual, inclusive and exclusive interpretations to the virtual complete exclusion of the other two forms, except in the ch dialect. Verbs and substantives appearing with the inclusive *ñuqanchikkuna* inflect following the same rules as do verbs and substantives appearing with the dual/default *ñuqanchik* (10); verbs and substantives appearing with the exclusive *ñuqakuna* inflect following the same rules as do verbs and substantives appearing with the singular *ñuqa* (11).

(10) *Kaypi ñuqanchikkunaqa kustumbrawmi kayanchik.* amv *kay-pi* dem.p-loc *nuqa-nchik-kuna-qa* I-1pl-pl-top *kustumbraw-mi* accustomed-evd *ka-ya-nchik* be-prog-1pl 'Here, **we**'re accustomed to it.'

4.3 Verb inflection

(11) *Wañuq taytachaymi chaytaqa ñuqakunaman willawarqa.* amv *wañu-q* die-ag *tayta-cha-y-mi* father-dim-1-evd *chay-ta-qa* dem.d-acc-top *ñuqa-kuna-man* I-pl-all *willa-wa-rqa* tell-1.obj-pst 'Our late grandfather told that to **us**.'

Although *ñuqa* is generally interpreted as singular – likely an implicature attributable to the availability of plural forms in the first person – it is, in fact, unspecified for number and may receive plural interpretations (12).


### **4.3.3.2 Future**

The future tense suffixes in syq are *-shaq* (1pl), *-nki* (2), *-nqa* (3), and *-shun* (1s) (1– 6). Table 4.12 displays this paradim; Table 4.13 displays the paradidm of future tense inflection with actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for discussion).

Table 4.12: Future tense inflection



Table 4.13: Future tense inflection – actor-object suffixes


4.3 Verb inflection

(6) *Kaytatr paqarikushun.* amv *kay-ta-tr* dem.p-acc-evc *paqa-ri-ku-shun* wash-incep-refl-1pl.fut '**We'll** wash this.'

The second person suffix is ambiguous between present and future tense. Second person and third person plural suffixes are the same as those for the second and third persons singular (7–9).


### **4.3.3.3 Past**

syq distinguishes between the simple past, the perfect, and the iterative past. The simple past is indicated by the past tense morpheme *-RQa* (*rima-rqa/ra-nchik* 'we spoke'). In practice *-RQa* is assigned both simple past and present perfect (non-completive) interpretations. The quotative simple past (*-sHQa*) is used in story-telling (*apa-mu-sa-*ø 'she brought it'). The past tense (completive) is indicated by the suffix *-sHa* (*uyari-sa-ni* 'I heard'). The habitual past is indicated by the agentive noun – formed by the suffixation of *-q* to the verb stem – in combination with the relevant present tense form of *ka-* 'be' (*taki-q ka-nki* 'you used to sing'). §4.3.3.3.1–4.3.3.3.4 cover the simple past, the narrative past, the perfect, and the iterative past, in turn. The past conditional is covered in §4.3.4.3.

### 4 Verbs

**4.3.3.3.1 Simple past** *-RQa -RQa* indicates the past tense.<sup>5</sup> The morpheme is realized *-rqa* in amv (1), (2); *-ra* in ach (3), lt (4), (5), and sp (6); and *-la* in ch (7), (8). Table 4.14 displays the simple past tense inflectional paradigm; Table 4.15 displays the paradigm for simple past tense inflection with actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for discussion).


Table 4.14: past tense inflection

Table 4.15: past tense inflection – actor-object suffixes


<sup>5</sup> *-RQa* signals the preterite in all Quechuan languages; *-RU*, according to Cerrón-Palomino (1987), is a later evolution in some Quechuan languages from the modal suffix *-RQu* (outward direction). In Tarma Q and Pacaraos Q *-rQu* is now a perfective aspect marker Adelaar (1988: 18–29). An anonymous reviewer points out that in Southern ConchucosQuechua, *-ru* in Southern Conchucos Q originally indicated outward direction. It became a derivational perfective then an inflectional past (see Hintz 2011: 192–197).


### 4 Verbs


In all five dialects, person-number inflection in the past tense is as in the present tense, with the exception that in the third person, *-n* is replaced by *-*ø (9), (10).


In all five dialects, *-RQa* indicates tense but not aspect and is thus consistent with both perfective (11) and imperfective aspect (12–15).


4.3 Verb inflection


Perfective aspect is, rather, indicated by the derivational suffix *-RU* (16–22).


### 4 Verbs


*-rQa* and *-Ru* are thus not in paradigmatic opposition and differ in their distribution. *-RQa,* but not *-Ru*, is used in the construction of the habitual past (23), (24) and the past conditional (2), (25); while *-Ru*, but not *-RQa*, may be used in combination with *-sHa* (26), (27) as well as with *-shpa* (6), (22) and *-pti* (3), (28), (29), in which case it indicates the precedence of the subordinated event to the main-clause event.


### 4.3 Verb inflection


**4.3.3.3.2 Quotative simple past tense** *-sHQa* In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, when speakers have only second-hand knowledge of the events they report, they may recur to a another past tense form, *-sHQa*, often referred to as the "narrative past" because it is used systematically in story-telling. In syq, *-sHQa* – realized as *-sa* in ach, amv and sp and as *-sha* in ch and lt – is used predominantly in story-telling (1), (2), historical narrative (3–5), and, generally, in relating information one has received from others (6–10).


4.3 Verb inflection

(8) *Wak warmiqa llaman qutuq risa. Mayuta pawayashpash siqaykurusa; karu karutash aparusa.* amv *wak* dem.d *warmi-qa* woman-top *llama-n* llama-3 *qutu-q* gather-ag *ri-sa* go-pst *mayu-ta* river-acc *pawa-ya-shpa-sh* jump-prog-subis-evr *siqa-yku-ru-sa* go.down-excep-urgt-npst *karu* far *karu-ta-sh* far-acc-evr *apa-ru-sa* bring-urgt-npst 'That woman **went** to gather up her llamas. Jumping the river, she **fell** and [the river] **took** her far, they say.'


It may also be used in dream reports (11).

(11) *Lliw lliw kuchihinam mituman yaykurusa.* sp *lliw* all *lliw* all *kuchi-hina-m* pig-comp-evd *mitu-man* mud-all *yayku-ru-sa* enter-urgt-npst 'All, like pigs, **entered** the mud.'

The morpheme is realized as *-shqa*, it seems, only in the first or culminating line of a story, and rarely even there (12).

(12) *Ishkay Wanka samakushqa huk matraypi, tarukapa kasanpi. Wama wamaq karka kasa.* amv *ishkay* two *Wanka* Wanka *sama-ku-shqa* rest-refl-npst *huk* one *matray-pi,* cave-loc *taruka-pa* taruka-gen *ka-sa-n-pi* be-prf-3-loc *wama* a.lot *wamaq* a.lot *karka* manure *ka-sa* be-npst

### 4 Verbs

'Two Huancayoans were resting in a cave, in some tarucas' place. There was a whole lot of manure.'

*-RQa* and *-Ru*, may also be employed in the same contexts as is *-sHQa*, even in combination with the reportative evidential, *-shI* (13), (14).


Inside quotations in story-telling, *RQa* and *-Ru* are generally employed (15), (16).


**4.3.3.3.3** *Perfect -sHa* – realized as *-sa* in ach, amv and sp and as *-sha* in ch and lt – may be argued sometimes to admit interpretations cognate with the English perfect, indicating events beginning in the past and either continuing into the present or with effects continuing into the present (1–3). Table 4.16 displays the paradigm for perfect inflection with *-sHa*; Table 4.17 displays the paradigm for the inflection of *-sHa* for actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for discussion).

### 4.3 Verb inflection


Table 4.16: Inflection of *-sHa*

Table 4.17: Inflection of *sHa* – actor-object suffixes



### 4 Verbs

That said, the non-nominalizing instances of *-sHa* in the corpus, almost without exception, have more readily-available interpretations as narrative pasts (see §4.3.3.3.2) (4).<sup>6</sup>

(4) *Mulankunawan kargarikushpa pasan wañurichishpa wak Chavin lawpash. Hinashpa qalay qalay Chavin miniruwanshi partisa.* ach *mula-n-kuna-wan* mule-3-pl-instr *karga-ri-ku-shpa* carry-incep-refl-subis *pasa-n* pass-3 *wañu-ri-chi-shpa* die-incep-caus-subis *wak* dem.d *Chavin* Chavin *law-pa-sh* side-loc-evr *hinashpa* then *qalay* all *qalay* all *Chavin* Chavin *miniru-wan-shi* miner-instr-evr *parti-sa* divide-sa 'Carrying everything with their mules, they left, killing people over by Chavin, they say. Then they **divided** up absolutely everything with the miners.'

Indeed, speakers offer only simple past translations for verbs suffixed with *-sHa*; perfect translations may be offered, rather, for *-Rqa*, *-RU* (very rarely), or the present<sup>7</sup> (5–7) (see §4.3.3.3.1).<sup>8</sup>


<sup>6</sup> The corpus counts 1157 instances of *-sHa*; a sample of 50 turned up no translation to the Spanish perfect.

<sup>7</sup> In elicitation sessions, speakers of syq do interpret *-ri* as indicating the present perfect; in a sample of 50 of the 353 instances of *-Ri* in the corpus, however, only once did the speakers assign it a perfect interpretation (*Spkr* 1: *Yapa-mi-k kuti-nqa*, *¿aw? Spkr* 2: *Puchuka-ri -n-chu*. 'She's going to go back again, no?' 'She hasn't finished yet.')

<sup>8</sup> The the translations in (1–3) were proposed only to suggest possible perfect interpretations of sentences that, I argued, are better interpreted as narrative pasts.

4.3 Verb inflection

(7) *Ni pi qawanchu ni pi tarinchu.* ach *ni* nor *pi* who *qawa-n-chu* see-3-neg *ni* nor *pi* who *tari-n-chu* find-3-neg 'No one **has seen** her and no one **has found** her.'

Speakers do consistently translate the combination of *-RU* and *-sHa* with the Spanish past perfect (8–10); in Andean Spanish, however, this construction does not share the semantics of the Standard Spanish.<sup>9</sup>


Given, however, the restrictions on the distribution of *-RU-sHa* – it inflects only for third person<sup>10</sup> and it is not contentful either with stative verbs or with the copulative, *ka-* – it is improbable that it that would constitute the language's principal strategy for rendering the past perfect. Rather, to indicate the sequence of two completed events, speakers of syq generally employ ether the subordinator *-pti* (11), (12) or a connective like *hinashpa* or *hinaptin* (13).<sup>11</sup>

<sup>9</sup> This construction generally can only awkwardly be translated as a past perfect in English, however.

<sup>10</sup> The corpus counts 330 instances of *-RU* (*-*ø*/-chi/-mu*) *-sHa*; in only two cases is it not inflected for third person.

<sup>11</sup> It has been suggested to me that an additional function of *-sHa* might be to indicate 'sudden discovery' (Adelaar 1977) or surprise. That is, *-sHa* might indicate the mirative, as do the perfect marker *-shka* in Ecuadorian Q (Muysken 1977) and 'non-experienced' past tense marker *-sqa* in Cuzco Q (Faller 2003) (as cited in Peterson 2014: 223–33). This is a hypothesis I am currently investigating.

### 4 Verbs


**4.3.3.3.4 Habitual past** *-q ka-* The habitual past is indicated by the combination of the agentive noun – formed by the addition of *-q* to the verb stem – and the relevant present tense form of *ka-* 'be' (zero in the third person) (1–4). Table 4.18 displays this paradim; Table 4.19 displays the paradidm of habitual past inflection with actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for discussion).


Table 4.18: Habitual past inflection

(1) *Wak Marcopukyopa, triguta hurqupakamuq kani.* amv *wak* dem.d *Marcopukyo-pa,* Marcopukyo-loc *trigu-ta* wheat-acc *hurqu-paka-mu-q* remove-mutben-cisl-ag *ka-ni* be-1 'There in Marcopukyo, I **used to** harvest wheat.'

### 4.3 Verb inflection

Table 4.19: Habitual past inflection – actor-object suffixes



(4) *Chay tirruristawan kay Azángaropaq rikuyaq. Wama wamaq piliyakuyaq.* ach *chay* dem.d *tirrurista-wan* terrorist-instr *kay* dem.p *Azángaro-paq* Azángaro-abl *riku-ya-q* go-prog-ag *wama* a.lot *wamaq* a.lot *piliya-ku-ya-q* fight-refl-prog-ag 'They **would** be going from Azángaro with the terrorists. They **would** be fighting a lot.'

Generally translated in Spanish with the imperfect, the structure can be translated in English as 'used to V' or 'would V'. Object suffixes precede *-q* (5), (6).

(5) *Wasiyta hamuruptiy uquchiwaq. Huk vidatam wakwanqa pukllarirqani.* amv *wasi-y-ta* house-1-acc *hamu-ru-pti-y* come-urgt-subds-1 *uqu-chi-wa-q* wet-caus-1.obj-ag *huk* one *vida-ta-m* life-acc-evd *wak-wan-qa* dem.d-instr-top *puklla-ri-rqa-ni* play-incep-pst-1 'When I **would** come home, they **would** get me wet. I played around with them a lot.'

### 4 Verbs

(6) *Taytacha: willamaq chayhinam antigwu viyhukuna purira nishpa.* sp *tayta-cha-:* father-dim-1 *willa-ma-q* tell-1.obj-ag *chay-hina-m* dem.d-comp-evd *antigwu* ancient *viyhu-kuna* old-pl *puri-ra* walk-pst *ni-shpa* say- subis 'My grandfather **used to** tell **me** [stories]. The ancients walked about like that, he said.'

### **4.3.4 Conditional**

syq verbs inflect for conditionality, present and past. Two different forms indicate the conditional in syq. The first, the regular conditional, is attested in all persons, singular and plural, in all dialects. Alternative conditional forms are attested in the first person plural in all dialects and in the second person both singular and plural in the amv dialect. Both the regular and alternative conditional may be interpreted as ability, circumstantial, deontological, epistemological, and teleological modals, both existential and universal, at least. For more extensive discussion of the interpretation of the conditional under the scope of the various evidential enclitics and their modifiers, see §6.2.11.

### **4.3.4.1 Regular conditional (potential)** *-man*

All syq dialects indicate the conditional with the suffix *-man*. In the first person, it is the person-number suffixes of the nominal (possessive) paradigm that are used in combination with *-man* (i.e., *-y* and not *-ni* is used for the first-person singular in the qii-alligned dialects) (28). *-man* follows all other inflectional suffixes (*ri-nki-man \*ri-man-ni-nki*) (34); *-man* is in complementary distribution with tense morphemes (*\*ri-rqa-nki-man*) (the examples cited are given in §4.3.4.2). Table 4.20 displays this paradigm; Table 4.21 displays the paradigm of regular conditional inflection with actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for discussion).

### **4.3.4.2 Modality**

The syq conditional covers far more territory than does the conditional in Spanish or English, receiving ability (1–5), circumstantial (6), (7), (8), deontic (9), (10), (11), (12), teleological (13), (14), and epistemological (15), (16), (17) modal readings, both existential and universal. Table 4.22 displys the modal system of syq.


Table 4.20: Regular conditional inflection

### Table 4.21: Regular conditional inflection – actor-object suffixes



### Table 4.22: Modal system

\*The verbs *usHachi-* 'be able', *puydi-* 'be able', and *yatra-* 'know' can replace *atipa-*.


### 4 Verbs


As detailed in §6.2.11, syq modals are themselves unspecified for force: modal force is determined by context and is generally specified by the evidential modifiers. Weak modal readings result when the modal is under the scope either of no evidential or of an evidential modified by the evidential modifier ø; strong universal readings result when the evidential is modified by the evidential modifier *-iki* (*siqa-yku-n-man-tri-***ø** 'it **might** fall', *siqa-yku-n-man-tri-ki* 'it **will most likely** fall'; *istudya-nki-man-mi-***ø** 'you **should** study', *istudya-nki-man-mi-ki* 'you **must** study'); moderately strong modal readings result when the modifier *-ik* takes scope over the modal. Ability modals also result from the combination of the infinitive and the verb *atipa-* 'be able' (18–19).


The verbs *usHachi-* and *puydi-*, both translated 'be able,' as well as *yatra-* 'know' may also be employed in this construction (20–22).

4.3 Verb inflection

(20) *Chay ninaman pawayta hawanta munayan mana usachinchu.* amv *chay* dem.d *nina-man* fire-all *pawa-y-ta* jump-inf-acc *hawa-n-ta* above-3-acc *muna-ya-n* want-prog-3 *mana* no *usachi-n-chu* be.able-3-neg 'They want to jump over the fire, but they **can't**.'

(21) *Piluntaqa yupayanshari chay chapupaqta. Ushachinchu yupayta.* amv *pilu-n-ta-qa* hair-3-acc-top *yupa-ya-n-sh-ari* count-prog-3-evr-ari *chay* dem.d *chapu-paq-ta* little.dog-gen-acc *ushachi-n-chu* be.able-3-neg *yupa-y-ta* count-inf-acc '[The zombie] is counting the hairless dog's hairs. He **can't** count them.'

(22) *Puriyta yatranñam.* amv *puri-y-ta* walk-inf-acc *yatra-n-ña-m* know-3-disc-evd 'She **can** already walk.'

*atipa-*, *usHachi-*, and *puydi-* appear in verbal constructions only when negated; they appear non-negated only in nominalizations (23), (24).

(23) *Hinashpa trayarushpaqa … waqtakuyanchikña atipasanchikkama.* ch *hinashpa* then *traya-ru-shpa-qa* arrive-urgt-subis-top *waqta-ku-ya-nchik-ña* hit-refl-prog-1pl-disc *atipa-sa-nchik-kama* be.able-prf-1pl-lim 'Then, when you get there, when there is any, you're already hitting it as much as you **can**.'

(24) *Burrunchikwan rinchik Cañetekama maykamapis atipasanchikkama.* amv *burru-nchik-wan* donkey-1pl-instr *ri-nchik* go-1pl *Cañete-kama* Cañete-lim *may-kama-pis* where-lim-add *atipa-sa-nchik-kama* be.able-prf-1pl-lim 'With our donkeys we went to Cañete, to wherever, wherever we **could**.'

### 4 Verbs

Universal deontic readings additionally follow from the combination of the nominalizer, *-na* with nominal (possessive) person inflection (25); they are available, too, with the simple present tense.

(25) *Chaymi vaka harkaq rikunaykimiki.* amv *chay-mi* dem.d-evd *vaka* cow *harka-q* herd-ag *riku-na-yki-mi-ki* go-nmlz-2-evd-iki 'That's why **you have to** go pasture the cows.'

In (26), the adverb *hawka* 'tranquil' modifying a future tense verb receives an existential deontic modal reading. As detailed in §6.2.11.3, under the scope of the conjectural evidential, *-trI*, conditionals are generally restricted to epistemic interpretations; under the scope of the direct evidential *-mI*, they receive all but conjectural interpretations.

(26) *Hawkañam tushunqa.* amv *hawka-ña-m* tranquil-disc-evd *tushu-nqa* dance-3.fut 'She **can** go dancing.'

Attaching to verbs inflected with second-person *-iki*, *-man*, may be interpreted as a caution (27).

(27) *Viñacta rishpa kichkata manam saruramunkiman.* amv *Viñac-ta* Viñac-acc *ri-shpa* go-subis *kichka-ta* thorn-acc *mana-m* no-evd *saru-ra-mu-nki-man* trample-urgt-cisl-2-cond 'Be careful not to step on thorns when you go to Viñac.'

And finally, it appears that *-man* never attaches to either of the alternativeconditional morphemes, *-waq* or *-chuman.*<sup>12</sup> This information is summarized in Table 4.22 (examples are given for the third person with the verb *qawa-* 'see').

(28) *Ruwayman lliw lliw.* amv *ruwa-y-man* make-1-cond *lliw* all *lliw* all '**I can** do everything.'

<sup>12</sup> I have not yet tested these for grammaticality in elicitation sessions. I can only say that in a corpus with 85 instances of *-iki-man* and 24 instances of *-nchick-man*, *\*-waq-man* and *\*-chuwan-man* remain unattested.


### 4 Verbs

(35) *Sarurullawanman manam saruwanantaq munanichu.* amv *saru-ru-lla-wa-n-man* trample-urgt-rstr-1.obj-3-cond *mana-m* no-evd *saru-wa-na-n-taq* trample-1.obj-nmlz-3-seq *muna-ni-chu* want-1-neg 'She might trample me. I don't want her to trample me.'

### **4.3.4.3 Alternative conditional** *-waq* **and** *-chuwan*

Alternative conditional forms are attested in the second person both singular and plural in the amv dialect and first person plural in all dialects. *-waq* indicates the second person conditional (1–3); *-chuwan* indicates the first person plural conditional (4–7); *-waq* may be explicitly pluralized with *-pa(:)ku* (8).


4.3 Verb inflection


Both morphemes simultaneously indicate person and conditionality and both are in complementary distribution with both tense and inflectional morphemes. *-w/ma-chuwan* is used with a first-person plural object (9–12).


### 4 Verbs

Ability (13), (14), circumstantial (15), deontic (16), (19) epistemic (17) and teleological (18) readings are all available. If a word ends with *-chuwan*, stress is shifted to the antipenultimate syllable (19).


4.3 Verb inflection

(19) *Pulíchuwan kuskanchik.* ch *puli-chuwan* walk-1pl.cond *kuska-nchik* together-1pl '**We should** walk together.'

### **4.3.4.4 Past conditional (irrealis)**

The past conditional is indicated by the combination – as distinct words – of the conditional with *ka-RQa*, the third person past tense form of *ka-* 'be' (1– 4). Table 4.23 displays this paradigm; Table 4.24 displays the paradigm for past conditional inflection with actor-object reference.


### Table 4.23: Past conditional inflection


### 4 Verbs


Table 4.24: Past conditional inflection – actor-object suffixes


The regular conditional form may be used in all dialects (5–8); the alternative conditional forms may be used in those dialects in which they are available in the present tense (9–10).


### 4.3 Verb inflection

'She **would have** condemned herself [to being a zombie]. That was money.'


### **4.3.5 Imperative and injunctive**

### **4.3.5.1 Imperative** *-y*

*-y* indicates the second-person singular imperative (1).

(1) *¡Chay kullarnikitaqa surquruy!* amv *chay* dem.d *kullar-ni-ki-ta-qa* necklace-euph-2-acc-top *surqu-ru-y* take.out-urgt-imp 'That necklace of yours, **take** it out!'

*-y* is suffixed to the verb stem, plus derivational suffixes, if any are present (2).

4 Verbs

(2) *¡Wañurachiy wakta!* ach *wañu-ra-chi-y* die-urgt-caus-imp *wak-ta* dem.d-acc '**Kill** that one!'

When verb has a first-person singular direct or indirect object, *-y* attaches to the 2>1 actor-object suffix *-ma/wa* (3), (4).


The second-person plural imperative may be indicated by the joint action derivational suffix, *-pa(:)kU* in combination with *-y*, and *-ma/wa* (5), (6).


The first-person plural imperative is identical to the first person plural future: it is indicated by the suffix *-shun* (7), (8).

(7) *¡Tushushun!* amv *tushu-shun* dance-1pl.fut '**Let's** dance!'

4.3 Verb inflection

(8) *¡Kuskallam wañukushun!* lt *kuska-lla-m* together-rstr-evd *wañu-ku-shun* die-refl-1pl.fut '**Let's** die together!'

Prohibitions are formed by suffixing the imperative with *-chu* and preceding it with *ama* (9–12).


*¡Haku!* 'Let's go!' is irregular: it cannot be negated or inflected (13), (14), except, optionally, with the first-person plural -*nchik*.

(13) *¡Hakuña, taytay, pakananpaq chay aychata!* amv *haku-ña,* let's.go-disc *tayta-y* father-1 *paka-na-n-paq* hide-nmlz-3-purp *chay* dem.d *aycha-ta* meat-acc '**Let's go**, mate, so he can hide this meat!'

4 Verbs

(14) *¡Ama rishunchu (\*haku)!* amv *ama* proh *ri-shun-chu* go-1pl.fut-neg '**Let's not go**!' '**We shouldn't go**.'

The second-person future tense, too, is often interpreted as an imperative (15), and prohibitions can be formed by preceding this with *ama* (16).


### **4.3.5.2 Injunctive** *-chun*

*-chun* indicates the third person injunctive (1–3), the suggestion on the part of the speaker as to the advisability of action by a third party.


### 4.3 Verb inflection

There are no first or second person injunctive suffixes. *-chun* attaches to the verb stem, plus derivational suffixes, if any are present (4–6).


It simultaneously indicates injunctivity and person, and is in complementary distribution with other inflectional suffixes. The negative injunctive is formed by suffixing *-chu* to the injunctive and preceding it with *ama* (7), (8).


### 4 Verbs

The third-person future tense can sometimes be interpreted as an injunctive (9).

(9) *Wañuchiptin, '¡Amam pampankichu! ¡Hinam ismunqa!' ninshi.* ach *wañu-chi-pti-n* die-caus-subds-3 *ama-m* proh-evd *pampa-nki-chu* bury-2-neg *hina-m* thus-evd *ismu-nqa* rot-3.fut *ninshi* say-3-evr 'When they killed him, "**Don't bury** him! **Let him rot** like that!" he said.'

### **4.3.6 Aspect**

In syq, continuous aspect is indicated by *-ya*. *-ya* belongs to the set of derivational affixes. Unlike inflectional morphemes, *-ya* can appear in subordinate clauses and nominalizations (*puñu-ya-pti-n* 'when he is sleeping'; *ruwa-ya-q* 'one who is making') and can – and, indeed, sometimes must – precede some derivational suffixes (*miku-ya-chi-n* 'he is making him eat'). Perfective aspect, generally indicated by *-Ru*, may, in some cases, also be indicated by reflexive *-kU*. §4.3.6.1– 4.3.6.3 cover *-ya* and *-kU*, respectively.

### **4.3.6.1 Continuous** *-ya*

All dialects of syq indicate continuous aspect with *-ya*. *-ya* marks both the progressive (1–6) and durative components (7), (8) of the continuous, indicating both actions and states continuing in time.


4.3 Verb inflection


*-ya* may be used with or in place of *-q* to mark habitual action (9–11) when such action is customary.<sup>13</sup>

<sup>13</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that *-ya* in Yauyos seems to resemble the cognate suf-

### 4 Verbs


*-ya* can appear in subordinate clauses (12), (13).


*-ya* precedes *-mu* and *-chi* (14), (15) and precedes all inflectional suffixes.

(14) *Limpu limpu runata firmakayachin.* lt *limpu* all *limpu* all *runa-ta* person-acc *firma-ka-ya-chi-n* sign-passacc-prog-caus-3 'They're **making** all the people sign.'

fix *-yka*: in Huallaga Q, which Weber (1989) calls a general imperfective. The cognate suffix in South Conchucos Q, *-yka*, in contrast, does not appear in habitual contexts. Hintz (2011) observes that while it is not a general imperfective, it is still much broader than a simple progressive; Hintz concludes that *-yka*: in South Conchucos is continuous aspect.

4.3 Verb inflection

(15) *Ladirankunapaq rumipis hinkuyamuntriki.* ach *ladira-n-kuna-paq* hillside-3-pl-abl *rumi-pis* stone-add *hinku-ya-mu-n-tri-ki* roll-prog-cisl-evc-iki 'Stones, too, would **be rolling** down the sides [of the mountain].'

It forms the present (16), past (17), (18) and future (19) progressive.


### **4.3.6.2 Durative** *-chka*

*-chka* is very rarely employed, occuring spontaneously in a non-quotative context only seven times in the corpus. Indeed, it is probably best qualified as nonproductive in all but sp. *-chka* is in complementary distribution with continuative *-ya*, but it is more semantically restricted than *-ya*. A -*chka* action or state is necessarily simultaneous with some other action or state, either expilicit in the dialogue (1), (2) or supplied by context (3), (4).

### 4 Verbs


### **4.3.6.3 Perfective** *-ku*

*-ku* may indicate completion of change of position with *ri-* 'go' and other verbs of motion (1–3); it also commonly occurs with *wañu-* 'die' (4), (5). Adelaar (2006: 135) writes of Tarma Quechua: "This *-ku-*, probably the result of a functional split of the 'reflexive' marker *-ku-*, has acquired a marginal aspectual function and indicates the completion of a change of position."

(1) *Pashñalla kidalun. ¿Qaliqa likun maytataq?* ch *pashña-lla* girl-rstr *kida-lu-n* stay-urgt-3 *qali-qa* man-top *li-ku-n* go-refl-3 *may-ta-taq* where-acc-seq 'Just the girl stayed. The man **went** where?'

4.3 Verb inflection


### **4.3.7 Subordination**

syq counts three subordinating suffixes – *-pti*, *-shpa*, and *-shtin* – and one subordinating structure – *-na-*poss*-kama.* In addition, the nominalizing suffixes, *-na*, *-q*, *-sa*, and *-y* form subordinate relative and complement clauses (see §3.4.1).

*-pti* is employed when the subjects of the main and su1432bordinate clauses are different (*Huk qawa-pti-n-qa*, *ñuqa-nchik qawa-nchik-chu* 'Although **others** see, we don't see'); *shpa* and *-shtin* are employed when the subjects of the two clauses are identical (*tushu-shpa*/*-shtin wasi-ta kuti-mu-n* 'Dancing they return home'). Cacra, but not Hongos, employs *-r* (realized [l]) in place of *-shpa* (*traqna-l pushala-mu-n* 'binding his hands and feet, they took him along'). *-pti* generally indicates that the event of the subordinated clause began prior to that of the main clause but may also be employed in the case the events of the two clauses are simultaneous (*urkista-qa traya-mu-pti-n tushu-rqa-nchik* 'When the band arrived, we danced'). *-shpa* generally indicates that the event of the subordinated clause is simultaneous with that of the main clause (*Sapu-qa kurrkurrya-shpa kurri-ya-n* 'The frog is running going *kurr-kurr!*') but may also be employed when event of the subordinated event precedes that of the main clause. *-shtin* is employed

### 4 Verbs

only when the main and subordinate clause events are simultaneous (*awa-shtin miku-chi-ni wamra-y-ta* '(By) weaving, I feed my children'). *-pti* subordinates are suffixed with allocation suffixes (*tarpu-pti-nchik* 'when we plant'); in contrast, *-shpa* and *-shtin* subordinates do not inflect for person or number (*\*tarpushpa-nchik*; *\*tarpu-shtin-yki*). *-shpa* appears 1432 times in the corpus; in three instances it is inflected for person. In elicitation, speakers adamantly reject the use of personal suffixes after *-shpa*. Subordinate verbs are never suffixed with any other inflectional morphemes, with the exception of *-ya* (*\*tarpu-rqa-shpa*; *\*tarpu-shaq-shpa*). The evidentials, *-mI*, *shI*, and *-trI* cannot appear on the interior of subordinate clauses, and the negative particle *-chu* can neither appear on the interior nor suffix to subordinate clauses (*mana-m rima-pti-ki* (*\*chu*) 'if you don't talk'). Subordinate verbs inherit tense, aspect and conditionality specification from the main clause verb (*ri-shpa qawa-y-man karqa* 'If I **would have** gone, I **would have** seen'). Depending on the context, *-pti* and *-shpa* can be translated by 'when', 'if', 'because', 'although', or with a gerund; *-shtin* can be translated by a gerund only. This information is summarized in Table 4.25.


Table 4.25: Subordinating suffixes

*-na-*poss*-kama* is limitative. It forms subordinate clauses indicating that the event referred to either (1) is simultaneous with or (2) limits the event referred to in the main clause (*puñu-na-y-kama* 'while I was sleeping'; *wañu-na-n-kama* 'until she died').

### **4.3.7.1 Different subjects** *-pti*

*-pti* is employed when the subjects in the main and subordinated clauses are different (1), (2) and the event of the subordinated clause begins before (3) or is simultaneous with (4) the event of the main clause. Table 4.26 displays the pattern of *-pti* inflection; Table 4.27 gives this pattern with actor-object reference.


Table 4.26: *-pti* inflection

Table 4.27: *-pti* inflection – actor-object suffixes



### 4 Verbs

(4) *Huk mumintu puriyaptiki imapis prisintakurushunki.* amv *huk* one *mumintu* moment *puri-ya-pti-ki* walk-prog-subds-2 *ima-pis* what-add *prisinta-ku-ru-shu-nki* present-refl-urgt-2.obj-2 'One moment you're walking **and** something presents itself to you.'

*-pti* subordinates always inflect for person with allocation suffixes (5), (6).


The structure is usually translated in English by 'when' (7), (8) or, less often, 'if' (9), (10), 'because' (11–13), or 'although' (14).


### 4.3 Verb inflection


Topic marking with *-qa* does not generally disambiguate these readings. With *-raq*, *-pti* subordinates generally receive a 'not until' interpretation (15), (16).

### 4 Verbs


The first-person and second-person object suffixes, *-wa/ma* and *-sHu* precede *-pti* (17).

(17) *Chay pasarushpa sudarachishuptiki kapasmi surqurunman.* amv *chay* dem.d *pasa-ru-shpa* pass-urgt-subis *suda-ra-chi-shu-pti-ki* sweat-urgt-caus-2.obj-subds-2 *kapas-mi* perhaps-evd *surqu-ru-n-man* remove-urgt-3-cond 'When you have it passed over you, when **it makes you** sweat, it's possible it could remove it.'

### **4.3.7.2 Same-subjects** *-shpa*

*-shpa* is employed when the subjects in the main and subordinated clauses are identical and the event of the subordinated clause is simultaneous with the event of the main clause (1); the event of the subordinated clause may, however, precede that of the main clause (2).


4.3 Verb inflection

*-shpa* subordinates do not inflect for person. *-shpa* can generally be translated with a gerund (3), as 'when' (4) or, less often, 'if' (5).


Negated, V *-shpa* can be translated 'without' (6), 'although' (7) or 'despite'.


*-shpa* may attach to coordinated verbs (8), (9).

(8) *Kulurchakunata kayna trurashpa qawashpa ñakarini.* amv *kulur-cha-kuna-ta* color-dim-pl-acc *kayna* thus *trura-shpa* put-subis *qawa-shpa* look-subis *ñaka-ri-ni* suffer-incep-1 'Look**ing**, putt**ing** the colors like this, I suffer.'

### 4 Verbs

(9) *Kukachakunata akushpa sigaruchakunata fumashpa richkan tutakama.* amv *kuka-cha-kuna-ta* coca-dim-pl-acc *aku-shpa* chew-subis *sigaru-cha-kuna-ta* cigarette-dim-pl-acc *fuma-shpa* smoke-subis *ri-chka-n* go-dur-3 *tuta-kama* night-lim 'Chew**ing** coca, smok**ing** cigarettes, they go on until the night.'

Only Cacra uses the qi *-r* in place of the qii *-shpa* (compare (10–14) with (15)).


4.3 Verb inflection

(14) *Wiqawninchikman kayna katawan simillakta watakurushpa talpu:.* ch *wiqaw-ni-nchik-man* waist-euph-1pl-all *kayna* thus *kata-wan* shawl-instr *similla-kta* seed-acc *wata-ku-ru-shpa* tie-refl-urgt-subid *talpu-:* plant-1 'Like this, **tying** it to our waists with a shawl we plant seeds.'

(15) *Waqal likun atuq kampukta.* ch *waqa-l* cry-subis *li-ku-n* go-refl-3 *atuq* fox *kampu-kta* countryside-acc 'Cry**ing**, the fox went to the countryside.'

### **4.3.7.3 Adverbial** *-shtin*

*-shtin* is employed when the subjects of the main and subordinated clauses are identical (1), (2) and the events of the two clauses are simultaneous (3).

(1) *Yatrakunchik imaynapis … waqakushtinpis … asikushtinpis … imaynapis.* ach *yatra-ku-nchik* live-refl-1pl *imayna-pis* how-add *maski* maski *waqa-ku-shtin-pis* cry-refl-subadv-add *asi-ku-shtin-pis* laugh-refl-subadv-add *imayna-pis* how-add 'We live however we can, although **we're crying** … **laughing** … however we can.'


### 4 Verbs

*-shtin* subordinates do not inflect for person or number. *-shtin* subordinates are adverbial and can generally be translated by 'while' or with a gerund (4–7). While attested in spontaneous speech, *-shtin* is rare. Speakers overwhelmingly employ *-shpa* in place of *-shtin*.


4.3 Verb inflection

### **4.3.7.4 Limitative** *-kama*

In combination with the nominalizer *-na* and possessive inflection, *kama* forms subordinate clauses indicating that the event referred to is either simultaneous with (1) or limits (2–5) the event referred to in the main clause.

(1) *Mana vilakuranichu puñunaykamam.* amv *mana* no *vila-ku-ra-ni-chu* keep.watch-refl-pst-1-neg *puñu-na-y-kama-m* sleep-nmlz-1-lim-evd 'I didn't keep watch **while I was sleeping**.'

(2) *Taksalla taksallapitaqa tarpukuni, mana hat-hatunpichu. Yaku kanankamalla.* amv *taksa-lla* small-rstr *taksa-lla-pi-ta-qa* small-rstr-loc-acc-top *tarpu-ku-ni* plant-refl-1 *mana* no *hat-hatun-pi-chu* big-big-loc-neg *yaku* water *ka-na-n-kama-lla* be-nmlz-3-lim-rstr 'I plant in just small, small [fields], not in really big ones. **While/as long as** there's water.'


4 Verbs

### **4.4 Verb derivation**

Five suffixes derive verbs from substantives: factive *-cha*, reflexive *-ku*, simulative *-tuku*, inchoative *-ya*. Additionally, two verbs can suffix to nouns to derive verbs: *na-* 'do, act' and *naya-* 'give desire'.

A set of eighteen suffixes derives verbs from verbs. These are: *-cha* (diminutive); *-chi* (causative); *-ka* (passive, accidental); *-katra* (iterative); *-kU* (reflexive, middle, medio-passive, passive, completive); *-lla* (restrictive, limitative); *-mu* (cislocative, translocative);<sup>14</sup> *-nakU* (reciprocal); *-naya* (desiderative); *-pa* (repetitive); *-pa(:)kU* (joint action); *-pU* (benefactive); *-ra* (uninterrupted action); *-Ri* (inceptive); *-RU* (action with urgency or personal interest, completive); *-shi* (accompaniment); *-ya* (intensifying); and *-YkU* (exceptional performance). §4.4.1 and 4.4.2 cover suffixes deriving verbs from substantives and from other verbs, respectively.

### **4.4.1 Suffixes deriving verbs from substantives**

The suffixes deriving verbs from substantives are: factive *-cha*, reflexive *-ku*, simulative *-tuku*, and inchoative *-ya*, as displayed in Table 4.28. §4.4.1.1–4.4.1.4 cover each of these in turn.


Table 4.28: Suffixes deriving verbs from substantives, with examples

<sup>14</sup> W. Adelaar (p.c.) points out that *-mu* might also be treated as an inflectional suffix. An anonymous reviewer agrees: "the suffixes *-ya*, *-ru* and *-ri* are all more derivational than *-mu*, [which] never co-occurs with *-ma* in QI," they write. "Rather, *-mu* and and *-ma* seem to be in paradigmatic contrast, where *-ma* essentially means 'to ego,' and *-mu* means more generally 'to any deictic center."

4.4 Verb derivation

### **4.4.1.1 Factive** *-cha*

*-cha* suffixes to adjectives and nouns to derive verbs with the meanings 'to make A' (*qatra-cha-* 'to make dirty') (1–3), 'to make N' or 'to make into N' (*siru-cha-* 'form a hill') (4, (5), 'to locate something in N' (*kustal-cha-* 'to put into sacks') (6), 'to locate N in/on something' (7), 'to remove N' (*usa-cha* 'to remove lice', *qiwa-cha* 'to remove weeds').


### 4 Verbs

(7) *Chay turutaqa llampuchaykun chay yubuchanman.* amv *chay* dem.d *turu-ta-qa* bull-acc-top *llampu-cha-yku-n* llampu-fact-excep-3 *chay* dem.d *yubu-cha-n-man* yoke-dim-3-all 'They **put llampu** on his little yoke.'

### **4.4.1.2 Reflexive** *-ku*

Suffixing to nouns referring to objects, *-ku* may derive verbs with the meaning 'to make/prepare N' (*qisha-ku-* 'to make a nest') (1), (2); suffixing specifically to nouns referring to clothing and other items that can be placed on a person's body, *-ku* derives verbs with the meaning 'to put on N' (*kata-ku* 'put on a shawl') (3), (4); suffixing to adjectives referring to human states – angry, guilty, envious – A*-ku* has the meaning 'to become A' (*piña-ku-* 'to become angry') (5), (6).


4.4 Verb derivation

(6) *¡Kurriy! Qillakuyankitrari.* lt *kurri-y* run-imp *qilla-ku-ya-nki-tr-ari* lazy-refl-prog-2-evc-ari 'Run! You must be **getting lazy**.'

*-ku* derivation is very productive and can be idiosyncratic (*llulla-ku* 'tell a lie', *midida-ku* 'measure') (7), (8).


### **4.4.1.3 Simulative** *-tuku*

Suffixing to nouns, *-tuku* derives verbs with the meaning 'to pretend to be N' or 'to become N' (*maqta-tuku-* 'pretend to be a young man') (1–3).


The structure appears primarily – indeed, almost exclusively – in the corpus in the context of a very popular genre of stories in which an animal dresses up, pretending to be a man, to trick a girl.

4 Verbs

### **4.4.1.4 Inchoative** *-ya*

*-ya* suffixes to nouns and adjectives to derive verbs with the meanings 'to become N' (*rumi-ya* 'petrify') (1), (2), 'to become A' (*alli-ya* 'get well') (3–6), and 'to perform a characteristic action with N' (*kwahu-ya* 'add curdling agent').


4.4 Verb derivation

### **4.4.1.5 'To do'** *na-*

*na-*, following a demonstrative pronoun, yields a transitive verb meaning 'to be thus' (1), (2) or 'to do thus' (3).


Following the interrogative indefinite *ima* 'what', *na-* derives the transitive verb *imana-*, meaning 'to do something' (4), (5), 'to happen to' (6).

(4) *Chay mamakuqa yataykun. ¿Imananqataq? Yataykachin.* ach *chay* dem.d *mamaku-qa* grandmother-top *yata-yku-n* touch-excep-3 *ima-na-nqa-taq* what-vrbz-3.fut-seq *yata-yka-chi-n* touch-excep-caus-3 'The old woman touched [their arms]. **What are they going to do**? They let her touch their arms.'

### 4 Verbs


### **4.4.1.6 Sensual and psychological necessity** *naya-*

*naya-* – 'to give desire' – suffixing to a noun derives a verb meaning 'to give the desire for N' (1–3).


### **4.4.2 Verbs derived from verbs**

A set of eighteen suffixes derives verbs from verbs. They are: *-cha*, *-chi*, *-ka*, *-katra*, *-kU*, *-lla*, *-mu*, *-nakU*, *-naya*, *-pa*, *-pa(:)kU*, *-pU*, *-Ra*, *-Ri*, *-RU*, *-shi*, *-tamu*, and *-YkU*.

*-chi* (causative) derives verbs with the meaning 'cause V' or 'permit V' (*wañuchi-* 'kill' (*lit.* 'make die')). Compounded with reflexive *-ku*, *-chi* derives verbs with the meaning 'cause oneself to V' or 'cause oneself to be V-ed' (*yanapa-chiku-* 'get oneself helped').

*-ka* (passive/accidental) indicates that the event referred to is not under the control either of a participant in that event or of the speaker (*puñu-ka-* 'fall asleep').

*-katra* (iterative) indicates extended or repetitive action (*kurri-katra-* 'to run around and around').

*-kU* (reflexive, middle, medio-passive, passive) derives verbs with the meanings 'V oneself' (*mancha-ku-* 'scare oneself', 'get scared'), 'V for oneself/one's own benefit (*suwa-ku* 'steal') 'be V-ed' (*pampa-ku-* 'be buried').

*-lla* (restrictive, limitative) indicates that the event referred to remains limited to itself and is not accompanied by other events (*lluqsi-lla-* 'just leave').

*-mu* (cislocative, translocative) indicates – in the case of verbs involving motion – motion toward the speaker or toward a place which is indicated by the speaker (*apa-mu-* 'bring here').

*-nakU* (reciprocal) derives verbs with the meaning 'V each other' (*willa-naku-* 'tell each other'); compounded with causative *-chi*, *-nakU* derives verbs with the meaning and 'cause each other to V' (*willa-chi-naku-* 'cause each other to tell').

*-naya* (desiderative) derives a compound verb meaning 'to give the desire to V' (*miku-naya-* 'be hungry' (*lit.* 'gives the desire to eat')).

*-pa* (repetitive) indicates renewed or repetitive action (*tarpu-pa-* 're-seed', 'repeatedly seed'); compounded with *-ya* (intensive) *-paya* derives verbs meaning 'continue to V' (*trabaha-paya-* 'continue to work').

*-pa(:)kU* (joint action) indicates joint action by a plurality of individuals (*trabaha-pa:ku-* 'work (together with others)').

*-pU* (benefactive) indicates that an action is performed on behalf – or to the detriment – of someone other than the subject (*pripara-pu-* 'prepare (for s.o. else)'); compounded with *-kU*, *-pU* indicates that indicates the action is performed as a means or preparation for something else more important (including all remunerated labor) (*awa-paku-* 'weave (for others, to make money)').

*-Ra* (persistence) derives verbs with the meaning 'continue to V' (*qawa-ra-* 'look at persistently'); compounded with *-ya* (intensive) *-raya* derives passive

### 4 Verbs

from transitive verbs; that is, *-raya* derives verbs meaning 'be V-ed' (*wata-raya-* 'be tied').

*-Ri* (inceptive) derives verbs meaning 'begin to V' (*shinka-ri-* 'begin to get drunk').

*-RU* (various) indicates action with urgency or personal interest (*chaki-ru-* 'dry out (dangerously)'); it is very frequently used with a completive interpretation (*kani-ru-n* 'bit').

*-shi* (accompaniment) derives verbs meaning 'accompany in V-ing' or 'help V' (*harka-shi-* 'help herd').

*-tamu* (irreversible) indicates a change of state that is irreversible (*wañu*-*tamu-* 'die').

*-YkU* (exceptional) is perhaps the derivative suffix for which is it hardest to identify any kind of central interpretation; with regard to cognates in other Quechuan languages, it is sometimes said that it indicates action performed in some way different from usual.

Table 4.29 lists the VV derivational suffixes; associated examples are fully glossed in the corresponding sections.

Of the eighteen, arguably only four – causative *-chi*, reflexive *-ku*, reciprocal *-nakU*, and desierative *-naya* – actually change the root's theta structure and derive new lexical items. The rest specify mode and/or aspect and/or otherwise function adverbally.

The analyses of §4.4.2.1 identify some of the more common possible interpretations of these suffixes. That said, the interpretations given are hardly exhaustive or definitive, not least because each generally includes multiple vectors. §4.4.2.3 looks at each of these suffixes in turn. *-ya* (continuative), also VV derivative suffix, was treated above in §4.3.6.1.

### **4.4.2.1 Distribution of VV derivational suffixes**

The default order of VV derivational suffixes is given in Table 4.30.

Although this order is generally rigid, some suffixes show optional order when appearing consecutively. Causative *-chi* is likely the most mobile; change in its placement results in a change in verb meaning (*wañu-chi-naya-wa-n* 'it makes me want to kill' *wañu-naya-chi-wa-n* 'it makes me feel like I want to die' (example from Albó (1964), as cited in Cerrón-Palomino 1987: 284). *-chi* and continuative *-ya* regularly commute (1), (2), as do exceptional *-ykU* and reflexive *-kU* (3), (4).


Table 4.29: Verb-verb derivational suffixes, with examples

Table 4.30: Default order of modal suffixes

*ka pa Ra katra cha Ri ykU RU chi shi pU na kU mu lla*

### 4 Verbs


Some combinations are not possible. Although some combinations are, arguably, precluded for pragmatic reasons (i.e., they would denote highly unlikely or even impossible states or events), the exclusion of others begs other accounts (5).

(5) *\*kumudashikuyan \*kumudakushiyan* amv *\*kumuda-shi-ku-ya-n* comfortable-acmp-refl-prog-3 *\*kumuda-ku-shi-ya-n* comfortable-refl-acmp-prog-3 'They **accompanied getting** comfortable.'

4.4 Verb derivation

### **4.4.2.2 Morphophonemics**

In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, the first-person-object suffix *-ma* (1) and the cislocative suffix *-mu* (2) trigger the lowering of a preceding vowel *-U*to *-a-*; causative suffix *-chi* does so as well when it precedes *-kU*, *-RU*, or *-ykU* (3). Table 4.31 displays the pattern of morphophonemic alterations in syq.

Table 4.31: VV derivational suffixes – morphophonemics

U represents an alternation between [u] and [a].



Additionally, in syq, both *-pU* and *-kU* trigger vowel lowering, the first with *-RU* (4) and *-ykU* (5), and the second with *-RU* (6) and *-pU*.

### 4 Verbs


W. Adelaar (p.c.) points out that that "the morphophomemic vowel lowering presented [here] is not locally restricted." In *miku-yka-ya-chi-n*, for example, he writes, *-ykU-* is apparently modified to *-yka-* under the influence of a nonadjacent suffix *-chi-*, and in *ushtichi-ka-la-mu-y*, *-kU* is apparently modified to *-ka* under the influence of the non-adjacent *-mu*. In these and similar cases, syq patterns with the Central Peruvian QI, he writes. He suggests that this non-local vowel lowering may be an archaic feature since Southern PeruvianQuechua does not have it.

### **4.4.2.3 Individual derivational and complementary suffixes**

**4.4.2.3.1** *-cha* Diminutive. *-cha* indicates action performed by a child or in the manner of a child (1) or action of little importance.

(1) *Chay willkayta uchuklla pukllachayan qawaykuni.* amv *chay* dem.d *willka-y-ta* grandson-1-acc *uchuk-lla* small-rstr *puklla-cha-ya-n* play-dim-prog-3 *qawa-yku-ni* look-excep-1 'I look. My little grandson is playing.'

It may also indicate an affectionate attitude on the part of the speaker (2), (3). Not attested in the ch dialect.

4.4 Verb derivation


**4.4.2.3.2 Causative** *-chi***,** *-chi-ku -chi* indicates that the subject causes or permits an action on the part of another participant; that is, *-chi* derives verbs with the meaning 'cause to V' (1–4).


Compounded with reflexive *-ku, -chi* indicates that the actor causes him/herself to act or causes or permits another to act on him/her (5), (6).

### 4 Verbs


**4.4.2.3.3 Passive/accidental** *-ka -ka* indicates that the event referred to is not under the control either of a participant in that event or of the speaker (1–5).


4.4 Verb derivation

(5) *Achka luna huntalamusha. Taytalla:qa kallipa pulikusha ashikayan tayta:taq.* ch *achka* a.lot *luna* person *hunta-la-mu-sha* gather-urgt-cisl-tk *tayta-lla-:-qa* father-rstr-1-top *kalli-pa* street-loc *puli-ku-sha* walk-refl-npst *ashi-ka-ya-n* laugh-passacc-prog-3 *tayta-:-ta-qa* father-1-acc-top 'A lot of people had gathered. My father was walking in the street and they **made fun** of him.'

**4.4.2.3.4 Iterative** *-katra -katra* indicates extended (1–2), or repetitive (3–6) action.


### 4 Verbs


**4.4.2.3.5 Reflexive, middle, medio-passive, passive** *-kU -kU* indicates that the subject acts on him/herself or that the subject of the verb is the object of the event referred to; that is, *-kU* derives verbs with the meanings 'V oneself' (1– 2), and 'be V-ed' (3).


4.4 Verb derivation

(3) *Manam huyaku:chu. Manam imapis manchachimanchu.* ch *mana-m* no-evd *huya-ku-:-chu* scare-refl-1-neg *mana-m* no=evd *ima-pis* what-add *mancha-chi-ma-n-chu* scare-caus-1.obj-3-neg 'I'm not **scared**. Nothing scares me.'

*-kU* often functions as a dative of interest, indicating that the subject has some particular interest in the event referred to (4), (5).


*-kU* is used with impersonal weather verbs (6); it can indicate completed action (a completed or more or less irreversible change of state) (7) (see §4.3.6.3 on perfective *-ku*), and excess of action (8), (9).


### 4 Verbs

(9) *Tilivisyunta likakuyan. Manam ñuqakunaqa gustamanchu chayqa tantu.* ch *tilivisyun-ta* television-acc *lika-ku-ya-n* look.at-refl-prog-3 *mana-m* no-evd *ñuqa-kuna-qa* I-pl-top *gusta-ma-n-chu* be.pleasing-1.obj-3-neg *chay-qa* dem.d *tantu* a.lot 'They're watching television [**a lot**]. We don't like that too much.'

*-ku* appears in reflexive verbs borrowed from Spanish, translating the Spanish pronouns *me*, *te*, *se*, and *nos* (10), (11).


When it precedes either of the derivational suffixes *-mu* or *-chi* or the inflectional suffix *-ma*, *-kU* is realized as *-ka* (4).

**4.4.2.3.6 Restrictive, limitative** *-lla -lla* indicates that the event referred to remains limited to itself and is not accompanied by other events (1), (2).


It may also express (a) an affectionate or familiar attitude toward the event (3), (4), (b) regret with regard to the event (5), (6), or (c) pity for event participants (7).


### 4 Verbs

(7) *Chay wawakuna kidan hukvida tristi sapan. Runapam makinpaña yatrakullan.* ach *chay* dem.d *wawa-kuna* baby-pl *kida-n* stay-3 *hukvida* a.lot *tristi* sad *sapa-n* alone-3 *runa-pa-m* person-gen-evd *maki-n-pa-ña* hand-3-loc-disc *yatra-ku-lla-n* live-refl-rstr-3 'Those children remain really sad, alone. They live out of other people's hands.'

Other interpretations are also available (8).

(8) *Qariqarillaraqchu qariqarillaraqmi niytaq niyallan hinashpa wañukun.* sp *qari-qari-lla-raq-chu* man-man-rstr-cont-q *qari-qari-lla-raq-mi* man-man-rstr-cont-evd *ni-y-taq* say-imp-seq *ni-ya-lla-n* say-prog-rstr-3 *hinashpa* then *wañu-ku-n* die-refl-3 '"Still brave and strong?" "Yes, still brave and strong!" he said for the sake of saying and died.'

**4.4.2.3.7** *-mu* In the case of verbs involving motion, *-mu* indicates motion toward the speaker (1), (2) or toward a place which is indicated by the speaker (3–5).

(1) *Ishkay killanta papaniy kartata pachimuwan wañukusanña.* amv *ishkay* two *killa-n-ta* month-3-acc *papa-ni-y* father-euph-1 *karta-ta* letter-acc *pachi-mu-wa-n* send-cisl-1.obj-3 *wañu-ku-sa-n-ña* die-refl-prf-3-disc 'Two months later, my father sent me a letter that [the vicuña] had died.'


4.4 Verb derivation


In the case of verbs that do not involve motion, *-mu* may have various senses. These may have in common that they all add a vector of movement to the action named by the V and, further, that such movement is away from ego, as an anonymous reviewer suggests (6), (7).


**4.4.2.3.8 Reciprocal** *-nakU -nakU* indicates that two or more actors act reciprocally on each other; that is, *-nakU* derives verbs with the meaning 'V each other' (1–3).

(1) *¿Wakpaq pantyunpa pampanakunman?* amv *wak-paq* dem.d-abl *pantyun-pa* cemetery-loc *pampa-naku-n-man* bury-recp-3-cond 'Can people there bury **each other** in the cemetery?'

### 4 Verbs


*-na* never appears independently of *-kU*. *-chinakU* derives verbs with the meaning 'cause each other to V' (4–6). When it precedes either of the derivational suffixes*-mu* or *-chi* or the inflectional suffix *-ma*, -(*chi*)*nakU* is realized as -(*chi*)*naka*.


4.4 Verb derivation

**4.4.2.3.9** *-naya* In combination with a verb stem, V, it yields a compound verb meaning 'to give the desire to V' (1–4).


Particularly with weather verbs, *-naya* may indicate that the E named by the root V is imminent (5), (6).

(5) *Paranayamun.* ach *para-naya-mu-n.* rain-desr-cisl-3 'It's **about to** rain.'

4 Verbs

(6) *Shakashqa wañunayanña.* amv *shakash-qa* giunea.pig-top *wañu-naya-n-ña* die-desr-3-disc 'The guinea pig is **about to** die already.'

**4.4.2.3.10 Repetitive** *-pa -pa* indicates repetitive action, deriving verbs with the meaning 're-V' or 'V again' or 'repeatedly V' (1–6) (*yata* 'touch' → *yata-pa* 'fondle'). It is unattested in the ch dialect.


4.4 Verb derivation

(6) *¿Imapaq aysapamaranki ñuqa hawka puñukupti:? ¡Manchachiman!* sp *imapaq* what-prup *aysa-pa-ma-ra-nki* pull-ben-1.obj-pst-2 *ñuqa* I *hawka* peaceful *puñu-ku-pti-:* sleep-refl-subds-1 *mancha-chi-ma-n* scare-caus-1.obj-3 'Why did you **tug/yank** at me when I was sleeping peacefully? It scares me.'

When it is compounded with intensive *-ya*, *-pa* indicates uninterrupted action; that is, *-paya* derives verbs meaning 'continue to V' (7).

(7) *¿Pukllapayanchu? ¿Kaniruytachu munayan?* amv *puklla-pa-ya-n-chu* play-repet-intens-3-q *kani-ru-y-ta-chu* bite-urgt-inf-acc-q *muna-ya-n* want-prog-3 'Is it **still** playing? Or does it want to bite?'

**4.4.2.3.11** *-pU -pU* indicates that an action is performed on behalf (1), (2) – or to the detriment – of someone other than the subject.


When it precedes either of the derivational suffixes *-mu* or *-chi* or the inflectional suffix *-ma*, *-pU* is realized as *-pa* (3), (4).

(3) *Sigaru rantipamuwanki, Hilda, fumakushtin kutikamunanpaq.* amv *sigaru* cigarette *ranti-pa-mu-wa-nki* buy-ben-cisl-1.obj-2 *Hilda* Hilda *fuma-ku-shtin* smoke-refl-subis *kuti-ka-mu-na-n-paq* return-refl-cisl-nmlz-3-purp 'Hilda, go and buy **me** a cigarette so he can smoke while he's coming back.'

### 4 Verbs

(4) *"¡Gwardapamanki! ¡Gwardapamanki!" niman.* ch *gwarda-pa-ma-nki* save-ben-1.obj-2 *gwarda-pa-ma-nki* save-ben-1.obj-2 *ni-ma-n* say-1.obj-3 'He said to me, "Save it **for me**! Save it **for me**!"'

**4.4.2.3.12 Joint action** *-pa(:)kU -pa:kU* indicates action performed jointly by two or more (groups of) actors, i.e., it indicates a plurality of actors (1–7). The long vowel may be dropped in those dialects where the first person is not indicated by vowel lengthening.


4.4 Verb derivation


**4.4.2.3.13 Mutual benefit** *-pakU -pakU* indicates actions performed outside the scope of original planning (1–3) as well as actions performed as a means or preparation for something else more important (including all remunerated labor) (4–6).


### 4 Verbs


When it precedes either of the derivational suffixes *-mu* or *-chi* or the inflectional suffix *-ma*, *-pakU* is realized as *-paka* (7).

(7) *Sibadata takapakaramushaq waway machka mikunanpaq.* amv *sibada-ta* barley-acc *taka-paka-ra-mu-shaq* beat-mutben-cisl-1.fut *wawa-y* baby-1 *machka* cereal.meal *miku-na-n-paq* eat-nmlz-3-purp 'I'm going to thresh barley [**for someone else**] so my children can eat toasted barley.'

**4.4.2.3.14 Uninterrupted action** *-Ra -Ra* – realized as *-la* in the ch dialect and as *-ra* in all others – indicates that the event referred to persists in time; that is, it derives verbs with the meaning 'continue to V' (1–3).


4.4 Verb derivation

(3) *Qawarayamun pashñaqa urata.* lt *qawa-ra-ya-mu-n* look-unint-intens-cisl-3 *pashñaqa* girl-top *ura-ta* hour-acc 'The girl **kept checking** the time.'

In combination with intensive *-ya*, *-Ra* derives passive verbs from active verbs (4– 7).


(6) *"Qala tullatam aparun." "¿Maypaqtaq chay aparusa?" "Ukllupam trurarayasa."* sp *qala* dog *tulla-ta-m* bone-acc-evd *apa-ru-n* bring-urgt-3 *may-paq-taq* where-abl-seq *chay* dem.d *apa-ru-sa* bring-urgt-nspt *ukllu-pa-m* store.house-loc-evd *trura-ra-ya-sa* put-unint-intens-npst '"The dog took a bone." "Where was it taken from?" "It **was stored** in the store-house."'

(7) *Kamallapaña sapalla: hitarayapti: runa trayaramun.* ach *kama-lla-pa-ña* bed-rstr-loc-disc *sapa-lla-:* alone-rstr-1 *hita-ra-ya-pti-:* throw.out-unint-intens-subds-1 *runa* person *traya-ra-mu-n* arrive-urgt-cisl-3 'When I **was layed out** in bed all alone, a person came.'

### 4 Verbs

**4.4.2.3.15 Inceptive** *-Ri -Ri*, realized *-li* in Cacra (1), indicates that the event referred to is in its initial stage, that it has not yet concluded (2–4).


*-ri* is common in apologetic statements and supplicatory commands (5), (6). *-li* is attested in Carcra but not in Hongos.


### 4.4 Verb derivation

**4.4.2.3.16 Urgency, personal interest** *-RU -RU* is realized as *-lU* in the ch dialect (4) and as *-rU* in all others. It has a variety of interpretations, all subsumed, in some grammars of other Quechuan languages, as "action with urgency or personal interest" (1–3).


It very often marks perfective aspect (4–6) (see §4.3.3.3.1 on past tense marker *-RQa*).<sup>15</sup>

(4) *Qali paqwalun allichalu:.* ch *qali* man *paqwa-lu-n* finish-urgt-3 *alli-cha-lu-:.* good-fact-urgt-1 'The men finish**ed** and we fix**ed** it up.'

<sup>15</sup> An anonymous reviewer suggests that Yauyos *-ru* is a "budding completive/perfective aspect marker, very similar to *-rQu* in Cuzco and in Huallaga, but less well developed than perfective *-ru* in Tarma. And far less developed than past tense/perfective *-ru* in South Conchucos, where it has moved to the inflectional tense slot and is in paradigmatic relation with *-rQa*, *-shQa*, futures, conditional, etc." The reviewer cites Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca (1994): the inference of recent past is not uncommon for derivational completive aspect markers.

### 4 Verbs


When it precedes any of the derivational suffixes *-mu*, *-pU*, *-kU*, *-chi* or the inflectional suffix *-ma*, *-RU* is realized as *-Ra* (7), (8).


**4.4.2.3.17 Accompaniment** *-sHi -sHi* is realized as *-si* in the sp dialect (1) and as *-shi* in all others.

(1) *Asnuqa nin, "Ñuqa tarisisayki sugaykitaqa".* sp *asnu-qa* donkey-top *ni-n,* say-3 *ñuqa* I *tari-si-sayki* find-acmp-1>2.fut *suga-yki-ta-qa* rope-2-acc-top 'The donkey said, "I'm going to **help** you find your rope."'

*-sHi* indicates accompaniment for the purpose of aiding or protecting; that is, *-sHi* derives verbs meaning 'accompany in V-ing' (2) or 'help V' (3–5).

4.4 Verb derivation


**4.4.2.3.18 Irreversible change** *-tamu -tamu* indicates change that is irreversible (1–4). It is very frequently used in the ch dialect but not often spontaneously attested in other dialects.


4 Verbs


**4.4.2.3.19 Intensive** *-ya***,** *-raya***,** *-paya -ya* is dependent; it never occurs independent of *-ra* or *-pa.* (see §4.4.2.3.9 and 4.4.2.3.12). *-raya* is a detransitivizer, deriving passive from transitive verbs; that is, *-raya* derives verbs meaning 'be V-ed' (1–3).


4.4 Verb derivation

*-raya* may also indicate persistent or repetitive action (4). (see §4.4.2.3.12 for further examples).

(4) *Qawarayamun pashñaqa urata.* lt *qawa-ra-ya-mu-n* look-unint-intens-cisl-3 *pashñaqa* girl-top *ura-ta* hour-acc 'The girl **kept checking** the time.'

*-paya* indicates uninterrupted action; that is, *-paya* derives verbs meaning 'continue to V' (5) (see §4.4.2.3.9 for further examples).

(5) *¿Pukllapayanchu? ¿Kaniruytachu munayan?* amv *puklla-pa-ya-n-chu* play-repet-intens-3-q *kani-ru-y-ta-chu* bite-urgt-inf-acc-q *muna-ya-n* want-prog-3 'Does it **keep on** playing? Or does it want to bite?'

**4.4.2.3.20 Exceptional** *-YkU -YkU* has a broad range of meanings; in early grammars of other Quechuan languages *-YkU* is said to indicate 'action performed in some way different from usual' (1–6).


### 4 Verbs

'Then, when we are all **grouped** together, we'll bid farewell to the souls.'


It merits further analysis. *-YkU* is common in polite imperatives (7), (8).


*-YkU* also occurs with nouns referring to a time of day (9).

4.4 Verb derivation

(9) *Chaypaq tutaykurun. Tutaykuruptin vilata prindirun.* amv *chay-paq* dem.d-abl *tuta-yku-ru-n* night-excep-urgt-3 *tuta-yku-ru-pti-n* night-excep-urgt-subds-3 *vila-ta* candle-acc *prindi-ru-n* light-urgt-3 'Later, **night fell**. When it **got dark**, he lit a candle.'

When it precedes any of the derivational suffixes *-mu*, *-pU*, *-chi*, *-RU* or the inflectional suffix *-ma*, *-ykU* is realized as *-yka* (1), (5).

# **5 Particles**

This chapter covers particles in Southern Yauyos Quechua. In syq, as in most other Quechuan languages, the class of particles can be sorted into seven subclasses: interjections (*¡Alaláw!* 'How cold!'); assenters and greetings (*aw* 'yes'); prepositions (*asta* 'until'); adverbs (*ayvis* 'sometimes'); coordinators (*icha* 'or'); negators (*mana* 'no, not'); and prenumerals (*la*, *las*, occurring with expressions of time). Interjections, assenters and greetings, prepositions, and adverbs are covered in §5.1–5.4, respectively. Coordinators are discussed in §7.3 on coordination; negators in §7.5 on negation; and prenumerals in Sub §3.2.5.3 on time numerals and prenumerals.

### **5.1 Interjections**

All spontaneously attested indigenous exclamations share a common pattern: they begin with *a* and end in *w* or, less commonly, in *k* or *y*, as in (a-h); with the exception of the final *w*, they feature almost exclusively the alveolar and palatal consonants *ch*, *ll*, *l*, *n*, *ñ*, *t*, and *y* (which accounts for the entire catalogue of syq alveolars and palatals with the exception of voiceless fricatives *s*, *sh*, and retroflex *tr*); they include no vowels except for *a*; they consist, with few exceptions, of three or four syllables; and they bear stress on the final syllable. Syllable repetition is not uncommon. Non-exclamatory interjections do not follow this pattern, like in (i) and (j). Curse words are freely borrowed from Spanish (k–m). Table 5.1 lists some of the more commonly-heard interjections. (1–7) give a few examples in context.

(1) *Primay Amaciatapis chayhinashiki intrigaykururqa. ¡Achachalláw!* amv *prima-y* cousin-1 *Amacia-ta-pis* Amacia-acc-add *chay-hina-shi-ki* dem.d-comp-evr-iki *intriga-yku-ru-rqa* deliver-excep-urgt-pst *achachalláw* how.awful 'They delivered my cousin Amacia, too [to the Devil], they say. **How awful!**'

### 5 Particles


Table 5.1: Interjections


5.2 Assenters and greetings


### **5.2 Assenters and greetings**

The list of assenters includes three members: *arí*, *aw*, and *alal*, exemplified in (1) and (2).


The first and second are used in all dialects, while the the third is used only in ch. *arí* often carries the emphatic enclitic *-yá* (3).

(3) *"Kutimushaq," nishpash chay pindihuqa manam warminman trayachinchu. ¡Ariyá warmiyuq!* amv *kuti-mu-shaq* return-cisl-1.fut *ni-shpa-sh* say-subis-evr *chay* dem.d *pindihu-qa* bastard-top *mana-m* no-evd *warmi-n-man* woman-3-all *traya-chi-n-chu* arrive-caus-3-neg *ari-yá* yes-emph *warmi-yuq* woman-poss 'Although the bastard [had] said, "I'm going to return," he never made it back to his wife. **Yes**! He had a wife!'

### 5 Particles

*aw* is used to check for agreement from interlocutors and to form tag questions (4), (5).


The Spanish greetings, *buynus diyas* 'good day', *buynas tardis* 'good afternoon' and *buynas nuchis* 'good evening', 'good night' (6) have been borrowed into syq and are employed with greater frequency than are greeting indigenous to the language. *¡Rimallasayki!* 'I greet you!' is the most common of the greetings indigenous to syq. *¡Saludallasayki!* is also used.

(6) *Mana ganawniki kanchu ni "Buynus diyas" ni "Buynus diyas, primacha", nada nishunkichu.* amv *mana* no *ganaw-ni-ki* cattle-euph-2 *ka-n-chu* be-3-neg *ni* nor *buynus* good *diyas* day *ni* nor *buynus* good *diyas* day *prima-cha* cousin-dim *nada* nothing *ni-shunki-chu* say-2.obj-2-neg 'When you don't have cattle, they don't even say "**Good morning**," "**Good morning**, cousin," to you – nothing.'

### **5.3 Prepositions**

syq makes use of some prepositions borrowed from Spanish. The preposition most frequently employed is *asta* ('up to', 'until', 'even', *Sp.* '*hasta*' 'up to', 'until') (1). *asta* is usually employed redundantly, in combination with the indigenous case suffix *-kama*, apparently with the same semantics (*asta aka-kama* 'until here').

5.4 Adverbs


### **5.4 Adverbs**

The class of adverbs native to syq is rather small (1–3).


Verbal modification in syq, as in other Quechuan languages, is accomplished primarily by derivatives and enclitics (*-pa* 'repeatedly', *-ña* 'already'). syq makes

### 5 Particles

heavy use of the adoped/adapted Spanish adverbs *apuraw* 'quick', *pasaypaq* 'completely,' *siympri* 'always' and *ayvis* 'sometimes' (4–7).


Additionally, adverbs can sometimes be derived from adjectives with the suffixation of *-lla* (8), (9); and adjectives may sometimes occur adverbally, in which case they are usually inflected with *-ta*, as in (10–12).

(8) *Ni pitapis kritika:chu dañukuruptinpis sumaqllam nikulla:.* ach *ni* nor *pi-ta-pis* who-acc-add *kritika-:-chu* criticize-1-neg *dañu-ku-ru-pti-n-pis* damage-refl-urgt-subds-3-add *sumaq-lla-m* pretty-rest-evd *ni-ku-lla-:* say-refl-rstr-1 'I don't criticize anyone. When they do harm, I talk to them **nicely**.'

5.4 Adverbs


Some nouns referring to time may occur adverbally without inflection, as in (13)and (14), others are inflected with *-ta*, as (see §3.2.1.2) (15) shows.

(13) *"¡Kanallan intrigaway!" nishpash chay kundur trayarun.* amv *kanallan* right.now *intriga-wa-y* deliver-1.obj-imp *ni-shpa-sh* say-subis-evr *chay* dem.d *kundur* condor *traya-ru-n* arrive-urgt-3 '"Hand her over to me **right now**!" said the condor [when] he arrived.'

### 5 Particles


### **5.5 Particles covered elsewhere**

Coordinators are discussed in §7.3 on coordination, negators in §7.5 on negation, and prenumerals in Sub §3.2.5.3 on time numerals and prenumerals.

This chapter covers the enclitic suffixes of Southern Yauyos Quechua. In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, enclitics attach to both nouns and verbs as well as to adverbs and negators. Enclitics always follow all inflectional suffixes, verbal and nominal; and, with the exception of restrictive *-lla*, all follow all case suffixes, as well. syq counts sixteen enclitics. *-Yá* (emphatic) indicates emphasis. Consistently translated in Spanish by *pues*. 1 *-chu* (interrogation, negation, disjunction) indicates absolute and disjunctive questions, negation, and disjunction. *-lla* (restrictive) generally indicates exclusivity or limitation in number; it is generally translated as 'just' or 'only'. *-lla* may express an affective or familiar attitude. *-ña* (discontinuitive) indicates transition, change of state or quality. In affirmative statements, it is generally translated as 'already'; in negative statements, as 'no more' or 'no longer'; in questions, as 'yet'. *-pis* (inclusion) indicates the inclusion of an item or event into a series of similar items or events; it is generally translated as 'too' or 'also' or, when negated, 'neither'. *-puni* (certainty, precision); it is generally translated 'necessarily', 'definitely', 'precisely'. This last is attested only in the qii dialects, where it is infrequently employed. *-qa* (topic marker) indicates the topic of the clause; it is generally left untranslated.<sup>2</sup>

*-raq* (continuative) indicates continuity of action, state or quality. Translated 'still' or, negated, 'yet'. *-taq* (sequential) indicates the sequence of events. In this capacity, translated 'then' or 'so'. *-taq* also marks content questions. *-mI* (evidential – direct experience) indicates that the speaker has personal-experience evidence for the proposition under the scope of the evidential. Usually left untranslated.

*-shI* (evidential – reportative/quotative) indicates that the speaker has non-personal-experience evidence for the proposition under the scope of the evidential. *-shI* appears systematically in stories. Often translated as 'they say.' *-trI* (ev-

<sup>1</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that *pues* is used in Andean Spanish "to negotiate common ground, shared knowledge. As such, it is possible that *-ya* is also an interactional or stance marker," a way a participant in a conversation may negotiate what other participants know or should know.

<sup>2</sup> *-qa* may nevertheless be indicated in Spanish translations by intonation, gesture, and various circumlocutions of speech, as an anonymous reviewer points out.

idential – conjectural) indicates that the speaker is making a conjecture to the proposition under the scope of the evidential from a set of propositions for which she has either direct or not-direct evidence. Generally translated in Spanish as *seguro* 'for sure', indicating possibility or probability. *-ari* (assertive force) indicates conviction on the part of the speaker. Translated as 'certainly' or 'of course'.<sup>3</sup> *-ik* and *-iki* (evidential modifiers) indicate increasing evidence strength (and increased assertive force or conjectural certainty, in the case of the direct and conjectural modifiers, *-mI* and *-trI*, respectively). Generally translated in Spanish as *pues* and *seguro*, respectively. Examples in Table 6.1 are fully glossed in the corresponding sections.

### **6.1 Sequence**

Combinations of individual enclitics generally occur in the following order.


In complementary distribution are: *-raq* with *-ña*; the evidentials with each other as well as with *-qa*; *-ari* with *-ikI;* and *-Yá* with *-ikI*.

### **6.2 Individual enclitics**

In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, the enclitics can be divided into two classes: (a) those which position the utterance with regard to others salient in the discourse (restrictive/limitative *-lla*, discontinuative *-ña*, additive *-pis*, topic marking *-qa*, continuative *-Raq*, sequential *-taq*, and interrogative/negative/disjunctive *-chu*); and (b) those that position the speaker with regard to the utterance (emphatic *-YÁ*, certainty marker *-puni*, and the evidentials *-mi*, *-shi*, and *-tri* along with their modifiers *-ik*, *-iki*, and *-aRi*.). §6.2.1–6.2.10 cover all enclitics except the evidentials and their modifiers, in alphabetical order. The evidentials and their modifiers are the subject of §6.2.11.

<sup>3</sup> An anonymous reviewer writes that in other varieties of Quechuan, "*-ari* is interpersonal. It expresses solidarity, affirming what someone else says, thinks or believes to be true."


Table 6.1: Enclitic suffixes, with examples

### **6.2.1 Emphatic** *-Yá*

Realized as *-yá* in all environments (1–5) except following an evidential, in which case both the *I* of the evidential and the *Y* of the emphatic are elided and *Yá* is realized as *á* (6–8).


6.2 Individual enclitics


### **6.2.2 Interrogation, negation, disjunction** *-chu*

*-chu* indicates absolute (1) and disjunctive questions (2), (3), negation (4), and disjunction (5).<sup>4</sup>


<sup>4</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that in Huaylas Q, negative *-tsu* is distinguished from polar question *-ku*. Huaylas is not unique among Quechuan languages in making this distinction.

(5) *Kandilaryapachu bintisinkupachu.* amv *kandilarya-pa-chu* Candelaria-loc-disj *binti-sinku-pa-chu* twenty-five-loc-disj '**Either** on Candelaria **or** on the twenty-fifth.'

Where it functions to indicate interrogation or negation, *-chu* attaches to the sentence fragment that is the focus of the interrogation or negation (6).

(6) *¿Chaypachu tumarqanki?* amv *chay-pa-chu* dem.d-loc-q *tuma-rqa-nki* take-pst-2 'Did you take [pictures] **there**?'

Where it functions to indicate disjunction – in either disjunctive questions or disjunctive statements – *-chu* generally attaches to each of the disjuncts (7).

(7) *Mariochu karqa Juliánchu karqa.* amv *Mario-chu* Mario-disj *ka-rqa* be-pst *Julián-chu* Julián-disj *ka-rqa* be-pst 'It was **either** Mario **or** Julián.'

Questions that anticipate a negative answer are indicated by *mana-chu* (8).

(8) *¿Manachu kuska linman?* ch *mana-chu* no-q *kuska* together *li-n-man* go-3-cond '**Couldn't** they go together?'

*mana-chu* may also "soften" questions (9).

(9) *Paysanu, ¿manachu vakata rantiyta munanki?* amv *paysanu* countryman *mana-chu* no-q *vaka-ta* cow-acc *ranti-y-ta* buy-inf-acc *muna-nki* want-2 'My countryman, **do you not** want to buy a cow?'

It may also be used, like *aw* 'yes', in the formation of tag questions (10).

(10) *Lliw lliwtriki wañukushun, puchukashun entonces, ¿manachu?* ach *lliw* all *lliw-tr-iki* all-evc-iki *wañu-ku-shun* die-refl-1pl.fut *puchuka-shun* finish.off-1pl.fut *intunsis* therefore *mana-chu* no-q 'We'll all have to die, to finish off then, **isn't that so**?'

### 6.2 Individual enclitics

In negative sentences, *-chu* generally co-occurs with *mana* 'not' (11); *-chu* is also licensed by additive enclitic *-pis* (12), (13) and *ni* 'nor' (14), (15).


In prohibitions, *-chu* co-occurs with *ama* 'don't' (16).

(16) *"¡Ama wawqi:taqa wañuchiychu!" niptinshi wañurachin paywantapis.* ach *ama* proh *wawqi-:-ta-qa* brother-1-acc-top *wañu-chi-y-chu* die-caus-imp-neg *ni-pti-n-shi* say-subds-3-evr *wañu-ra-chi-n* die-urgt-caus-3 *pay-wan-ta-pis* he-instr-acc-add 'When he said, "**Don't** kill my brother!" they killed him with him, too.'

*-chu* does not appear in subordinate clauses, where negation is indicated with a negative particle alone (17), (18).<sup>5</sup>


In negative sentences, *-chu* never occurs on the same segment as does an evidential enclitic (20).

(20) *Mana lluqsirqanki(\*mi)chu.* amv *mana* no *lluqsi-rqa-nki-mi-chu* go.out-pst-2-evd-neg 'You **didn't** leave.'

Finally, interrogative *-chu* is further restricted in that it does not appear in questions using interrogative pronouns (21).<sup>6</sup>

(21) *\*¿Pi hamurqachu?* amv *pi* who *hamu-rqa-chu* come-pst-neg '**Who** came?'

<sup>5</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that elsewhere in Quechua, the correlates of negative *-chu* typically can appear in subordinate clauses. There are no naturally-occurring examples of this in the Yauyos corpus.

<sup>6</sup> *¿\*Pi-taq hamu-n-chu? ¿\*Pi-taq-chu hamu-n?* 'Who is coming?'

6.2 Individual enclitics

### **6.2.3 Restrictive, limitative** *-lla*

*-lla* indicates exclusivity or limitation in number: the individual (1–3) or event/event type (4), (5) remains limited to itself and is accompanied by no other.

(1) *Iskwilapam niytu:kunaqa wawa:kunaqa rinmi ñuqallam ka:*

*analfabitu.* sp *iskwila-pa-m* school-loc-evd *niytu-:-kuna-qa* nephew-1-pl-top *wawa-:-kuna-qa* baby-1-pl-top *ri-n-mi* go-3-evd *ñuqa-lla-m* I-rstr-evd *ka-:* be-1 *analfabitu* illiterate 'My grandchildren are in school. My children went. I'm the **only** illiterate one.'


*-lla* can generally be translated as 'just' (6), (7) or 'only' (8); it sometimes has an 'exactly' interpretation (9).


It is very, very widely employed (10–12).


6.2 Individual enclitics

(12) *Chaytam aysashpalla pasachiwaq.* amv *chay-ta-m* dem.d-acc-evd *aysa-shpa-lla* pull-subis-rstr *pasa-chi-wa-q* pass-caus-1.obj-ag 'They had me cross the river pulling [me by the hand].'

### **6.2.4 Discontinuative** *-ña*

Discontinuitive. *-ña* indicates transition – change of state or quality. In affirmative statements, it can generally be translated as 'already' (1–3); in negative statements, as 'no more' or 'no longer' (4), (5); and in questions, as 'yet' (6), (7).



It can appear freely but never unaccompanied, redundantly, by *ña* (8), (9).


### **6.2.5 Inclusion** *-pis*

*-pis* indicates the inclusion of an item or event into a series of similar items or events. Translated as 'and', 'too', 'also', and 'even' (1–5) or, when negated, 'neither' or 'not even' (6–8).


6.2 Individual enclitics


*-pis* may – or, even, may generally – imply contrast with some preceding element. Where it scopes over subordinate clauses, it can often be translated 'although' or 'even' (9), (10).


Attaching to interrogative-indefinite stems, it forms indefinites and, with *mana*, negative indefinites (11–13).


It is in free variation with *-pas*, and, after a vowel, with *-s* (14–16), the latter particularly common in the ach dialect.

(14) *"¡Diskansakamuy wasikipa!" niwan kikinpas diskansuman ripun.* lt *diskansa-ka-mu-y* rest-refl-cisl-imp *wasi-ki-pa* house-2-loc *ni-wa-n* say-1.obj-3 *kiki-n-pas* self-3-add *diskansu-man* rest-all *ripu-n* go-3 '"Go rest in your house," he said to me and he, himself, **too**, went to rest.'


### **6.2.6 Precision, certainty** *-puni*

*-puni* indicates certainty or precision. It can be translated as 'necessarily', 'definitely', 'precisely'. It is attested only in the amv dialect, where, still, it is not widely employed.


### **6.2.7 Topic-marking** *-qa*

*-qa* indicates the topic of a clause (1–8), including in those cases where it attaches to subordinate clauses (9), (10).


6.2 Individual enclitics


'They went out for a walk but **when they went in**, they couldn't.'

(10) *Qipiruptinqa … chay kundurqa qipiptin huk turuta pagaykun.* sp *qipi-ru-pti-n-qa* carry-urgt-subds-3-top *chay* dem.d *kundur-qa* condor-top *qipi-pti-n* carry-subds-3 *huk* one *turu-ta* bull-acc *paga-yku-n* pay-excep-3 '**When he carried her**, after the condor carried her, she payed him a bull.'

### **6.2.8 Continuative** *-Raq*

*-Raq* – realized in ch as *-laq* (1) and in all other dialects as *-raq* – indicates continuity of action, state or quality.

(1) *Kichwallaktam limakuya: kaytrawlaq manam kastillanukta lima:chu.* ch *kichwa-lla-kta-m* Quechua-rstr-acc-evd *lima-ku-ya-:* talk-refl-prog-1 *kay-traw-laq* dem.p-loc-cont *mana-m* no-evd *kastillanu-kta* Spanish-acc *lima-:-chu* talk-1-neg 'I'm just talking Quechua. Here, **still**, we don't speak Spanish.'

It can generally be translated 'still' (2–4) or, negated, 'yet' (5), (6).


Marking rhetorical questions, it can indicate a kind of despair (7), (8).

(7) *¿Yawarnintachu? ¿Imataraq hurqura chay dimunyukuna?* ach *yawar-ni-n-ta-chu* blood-euph-3-acc-q *ima-ta-raq* what-acc-cont *hurqu-ra* take.out-pst *chay* dem.d *dimunyu-kuna* Devil-pl 'His blood? **What in the world** did the devil suck out of him?'

6.2 Individual enclitics

(8) *Chay gringukunaqa altukunatash rin. ¿Imaynaraq chay runata wañuchin?* ach *chay* dem.d *gringu-kuna-qa* gringo-pl-top *altu-kuna-ta-sh* high-pl-acc-evr *ri-n* go-3 *imayna-raq* how-cont *chay* dem.d *runa-ta* person-acc *wañu-chi-n* die-caus-3 'The gringos go to the heights, they say. **How on earth** could they kill those people?'

With subordinate clauses, it may indicate a prerequisite or a necessary condition for the event to take place, translating in English as 'first' or 'not until' (9).

(9) *Kisuta ruwashparaq trayamuyan.* amv *kisu-ta* cheese-acc *ruwa-shpa-raq* make-subis-cont *traya-mu-ya-n* arrive-cisl-prog-3 '**Once** she makes the cheese, she's coming.'

*Chay-raq* indicates an imminent future, translating in Andean Spanish *recién* (10). Employed as a coordinator, it implies a contrast between the coordinated elements (see §7.3).

(10) *Chayraqmi tapayan. Qallaykuyani chayraq.* amv *chay-raq-mi* dem.d-cont-evd *tapa-ya-n* cover-prog-3 *qalla-yku-ya-ni* begin-excep-prog-1 *chay-raq* dem.d-cont 'He's **just now going to** cap it. I'm **just now** going to start.'

### **6.2.9 Sequential** *-taq*

*-taq* indicates the sequence of events (1).

(1) *Tardiqa yapa listu suyan; yapataqshi trayarun.* amv *tardi-qa* afternoon-top *yapa* again *listu* ready *suya-n* wait-3 *yapa-taq-shi* again-seq-evr *traya-ru-n* arrive-urgt-3 'In the afternoon, **again**, ready, he waits. **Then, again**, [the zombie] arrived.'

Adelaar (p.c.) points out that in Ayacucho Quechua *-ña-taq* is a fixed combination. It appears that may be the case here too (2–4). In these examples *-taq* seems to continue to indicate a sequence of events.


In a question introduced by an interrogative (*pi-*, *ima-* …) *-taq* attaches to the interrogative in case it is the only word in the phrase or, in case the phrase includes two or more words, to the final word in the phrase (5–7).


6.2 Individual enclitics

(7) *¿Imanashaqtaq? Diosllatañatriki.* lt *ima-na-shaq-taq* what-vrbz-1.fut-seq *Dios-lla-ta-ña-tr-iki* God-rstr-acc-disc-evc-iki '**What am I going to do**? It's for God already.'

In this capacity, *-taq* may be the most transparent of the enclitics attaching to *q*-phrases. In a clause with a conditional or in a subordinate clause, *-taq* can indicate a warning (8).

(8) *Kurasunniyman shakashta trurayan. Ñuqa niyani "¡Kaniruwaptinñataq!"* amv *kurasun-ni-y-man* heart-euph-1-all *shakash-ta* guinea.pig-acc *trura-ya-n* put-prog-3 *ñuqa* I *ni-ya-ni* say-prog-1 *kani-ru-wa-pti-n-ña-taq* bite-urgt-1.obj-subds-3-disc-seq 'He's putting the guinea pig over my heart. I'm saying, "**Be careful** it doesn't bite me!"'

*-taq* also functions as a conjunction (9) (see §7.3).

(9) *Warmiñataq puchkawan qariñataq tihiduwan.* amv *warmi-ña-taq* women-disc-seq *puchka-wan* spinning-instr *qari-ña-taq* man-disc-seq *tihidu-wan* weaving-instr 'Women with spinning **and** men with weaving.'

### **6.2.10 Emotive** *-ya*

*-ya* indicates regret or resignation. It can be translated 'alas' or 'regretfully' or with a sigh. Not very widely employed.

(1) *Hinashpaqaya, "Wañurachishaqña wakchachaytaqa dimasllam sufriyan."* amv *hinashpa-qa-ya* then-top-emo *wañu-ra-chi-shaq-ña* die-urgt-caus-1.fut-disc *wakcha-cha-y-ta-qa* lamb-dim-1-acc-top *dimas-lla-m* too.much-rstr-evd *sufri-ya-n* suffer-prog-3 'Then, **alas**, "I'm going to kill my little lamb already – he's suffering too much," [I said].'

(2) *Unay runakunaqa yatrayan masta, mastaya, lliwta … aaaa.* amv *unay* before *runa-kuna-qa* person-pl-top *yatra-ya-n* know-prog-3 *mas-ta* more-acc *mas-ta-ya* more-acc-emo *lliw-ta* all-acc *aaaa* ahhh 'In the old days, people knew more, more, everything, **ahhh**.'

### **6.2.11 Evidence**

Evidentials indicate the type of the speaker's source of information. syq, like most<sup>7</sup> other Quechuan languages, counts three evidential suffixes: direct *-mi* (1– 3), reportative *-shi* (4–6), and conjectural *-tri* (7–9) (*i.e.* the speaker has her own evidence for P (generally visual); the speaker learned P from someone else; or the speaker infers P based on some other evidence). Following a short vowel, these are realized as *-m*, *sh*, and *-tr*, respectively (3), (6), (9).


<sup>7</sup> Note, though, that Huallaga Q counts four evidentials, (*-mi*, *-shi*, *-chi*, snd *-chaq*) (Weber 1989:76). South Conchucos Q counts six, (*-mi*, *-shi*, *-chi*, *-cha:*, and *-cher*); Sihuas, too, counts six (Hintz and Hintz 2014).


and apples.'

(9) *Wasiy rahasa kayan. Saqaykurunqatr.* amv *wasi-y* house-1 *raha-sa* crack-prf *ka-ya-n* be-prog-3 *saqa-yku-ru-nqa-tr* go.down-excep-urgt-3.fut-evc 'My house is cracked. **It's going to fall down**.'

The evidential system of syq is unusual amongQuechuan languages, however, in that it overlays the three-way distinction standard to Quechua with a second three-way distinction. The set of evidentials in syq thus counts nine members: *-mI*, *-m-ik*, and *-m-iki*; *-shI*, *-sh-ik*, and *-sh-iki*; and *-trI*, *-tr-ik*, and *-tr-iki*. The *-I*, *-ik*, and *-iki* forms are not allomorphs: they receive different interpretations, generally indicating increasing degrees of evidence strength or, in the case of modalized verbs, increasing modal force. §6.2.11 describes this system in some detail. For further formal analysis, see Shimelman (2012).

In addition to indicating the speaker's information type, evidentials also function to indicate focus or comment and to complete copular predicates (for further discussion and examples, see §7.11 and 7.8 on emphasis and equatives).

Evidentials are subject to the following distributional restrictions. They never attach to the topic or subject; these are, rather, marked with *-qa*. In content questions, the evidential attaches to the question word or to the last word of the questioned phrase (10) (see §7.6 on interrogation).

(10) *¿Maymi chay warmi?* amv *may-mi* where-evd *chay* dem.d *warmi* woman '**Where** is that woman?'

Evidentials do not appear in commands or injunctions (11); finally, only one evidential may occur per clause (12).


### 6.2 Individual enclitics

All three evidentials are interpreted as assertions. The first, *-mI*, is generally left untranslated in Spanish; the second, *-shI*, is often rendered *dice* 'they say'; the third is reflected in a change in verb tense or mode (see §6.2.11.3). The difference between the three is a matter, first, of whether or not evidence is from personal experience, and, second, whether that evidence supports the proposition, *p*, immediately under the scope of the evidential or another set of propositions, *P'*, that are evidence for *p*, as represented in Table 6.2.

Table 6.2: Evidential schema: "evidence from" by "evidence for"


So, employing *-mI*(*p*), the speaker asserts predicate *p* and represents that she has personal-experience evidence for *p*; employing *-shI*(*p*), the speaker asserts *p* and refers the hearer to another source for evidence for *p*; and employing *-trI*(*p*), the speaker asserts *p* and represents that *p* is a conjecture from *P'*, propositions for which she has either *-mI*-type or *-shI*-type evidence or both. That is, although syq counts three evidential suffixes, it counts only two evidence types, direct and reportative; these two are jointly exhaustive. §6.2.11.1–6.2.11.3 cover *-mI*, *-shI*, and *trI*, in turn. §6.2.11.4 covers the evidential modifiers, *-ari* and *-ik/iki*.

### **6.2.11.1 Direct** *-mI*

*-mI* indicates that the speaker speaks from direct experience. Unlike *-shI* and *-trI*, it is generally left untranslated. Note that in the examples below, with the exception of (1), the speaker's knowledge is *not* the product of visual experience.

(1) *Vakaqa kaypa waqrayuqmiki kayan.* amv *vaka-qa* cow-top *kay-pa* dem.p-loc *waqra-yuq-m-iki* horn-poss-evd-iki *ka-ya-n* be-prog-3 'The cows here **have horns**.'


### **6.2.11.2 Reportative** *-shI*

*-shI* indicates that the speaker's evidence does not come from personal experience (1–4).

(1) *Awkichanka urqupaqa inkantush – karrush chinkarurqa qutrapa.* amv *Awkichanka* Awkichanka *urqu-pa-qa* hill-loc-top *inkantu-sh* spirit-evr *karru-sh* car-evr *chinka-ru-rqa* lose-urgt-pst *qutra-pa* lake-loc 'In the hill Okichanka, there is **a spirit, they say** – a car was lost in a reservoir.'

6.2 Individual enclitics


It is used systematically in stories (5), (6).


### **6.2.11.3 Conjectural** *-trI*

*-trI* indicates that the speaker does not have evidence for the proposition directly under the scope of the evidential, but is, rather, conjecturing to that proposition from others for which she does have evidence (1–8).


6.2 Individual enclitics

(8) *Ayvis kumpañaw hamuyan – wañuypaqpis kayachuwantriki.* amv *ayvis* sometimes *kumpañaw* accompanied *hamu-ya-n* come-prog-3 *wañu-y-paq-pis* die-1-purp-add *ka-ya-chuwan-tr-iki* be-prog-1pl.cond-evc-iki 'Sometimes someone comes accompanied – we might be also about to die.'

### **6.2.11.4 Evidential modification**

syq counts four evidential modifiers, *-ari* and the set ø, *-ik* and *-iki*. §6.2.11.4.1 and 6.2.11.4.2 cover *-ari* and *-*ø*/-ik/iki*, respectively. The latter largely repeats Shimelman (2012).

**6.2.11.4.1 Assertive force** *-aRi -aRi* – realized *-ali* in ch (1) and *-ari* in all other dialects – indicates conviction on the part of the speaker.<sup>8</sup>

(1) *Wayrakuyanmari.* amv *wayra-ku-ya-n-m-ari* wind-refl-prog-3-evd-ari '**It's windy**.'

It can often be translated as 'surely' or 'certainly' or 'of course'. *-aRi* generally occurs only in combination with *-mI* (2), (3), *-shI* (4), (5) and *-Yá* (6–8).

(2) *Manamari llapa ruwayaqhina kayani.* amv *mana-m-ari* no-evd-ari *llapa* all *ruwa-ya-q-hina* make-prog-ag-comp *ka-ya-ni* be-prog-1 '**No, of course**, it seems like I'm making it all up.'

<sup>8</sup> The Quechuas of (at least) Ancash-Huailas Parker (1976: 151), Cajamarca-Canaris Quesada Castillo (1976: 158) and Junin-Huanca Cerrón-Palomino (1976a: 238–9) have suffixes *-rI*, *-rI* and *-ari*, respectively, which, like the syq *-k* succeed evidentials and are most often translated *pues* 'then'. It seems unlikely that the ahq, ccq and jhq forms correspond to the *-k* or *-ki* of syq. First, unlike *-ik* or *-iki*, *-rI* and *-ari* may appear independent of any evidential and they may function as general emphatics. Second, syq, too, has a suffix *-ari* which, like *-rI* and *-ari*, functions as a general emphatic, also translating as *pues*. Third, the syq *-ari* is in complementary distribution with *-k* and *-ki*. Finally, unlike the ahq, ccq and jhq forms, the syq *-ari* cannot appear independently of the evidentials *-mI* or *-shI* or else of *-y*, and, further, always forms an independent word with these.


It is far less often employed than *-ik* and *-iki.* It is, however, prevalent in the LT dialect*,* which supplied the single instance of *tr-ari* in the corpus (9).

6.2 Individual enclitics

(9) *Chay wayra itana piru rimidyum Hilda. ¡Piru wachikunyari!* amv *chay* dem.d *wayra* wind *itana* thorn *piru* but *rimidyu-m* remedy-evd *Hilda* Hilda *piru* but *wachi-ku-n-y-ari* sting-refl-3-emph-ari 'The wind thorns are medicinal, Hilda. But **do they ever sting**!'

**6.2.11.4.2 Evidence strength** *-ik* **and** *-iki* syq is unusual<sup>9</sup> in that each of its three evidentials counts three variants, formed by the suffixation of *-*ø, *-ik* or *-iki*. The resulting nine forms are direct *-mI-*ø, *-m-ik* and*-m-iki* (1–3); reportative *-shI-*ø, *-sh-ik* and *-sh-iki* (4–6); and conjectural *-trI-*ø, *-tr-ik* and*-tr-iki* (7–9).<sup>10</sup>

(1) *Manam trayamunchu manamik rikarinchu.* ach *mana-m* no-evd *traya-mu-n-chu* arrive-cisl-3-neg *mana-m-ik* no-evd-ik *rikari-n-chu* appear-3-neg 'He **hasn't** arrived. He **hasn't** showed up.'

(2) *Limatam rishaq. Limapaqa buskaq kanmiki. Sutintapis rimayanmiki. ¿Ichu manachu?* lt *Lima-ta-m* Lima-acc-evd *ri-shaq* go-1.fut *Lima-pa-qa* Lima-loc-top *buska-q* look.for-ag *ka-n-m-iki* be-3-evd-iki *suti-n-ta-pis* name-3-acc-add *rima-ya-n-m-iki* talk-prog-3-evd-iki *ichu* or *mana-chu* no-q 'I'm going to go to Lima. In Lima, **there are** people who read cards, **then**. They're **saying** his name, **then**, yes or no?'

(3) *Wañuchinakun imamiki chaytaqa muna:chu.* sp *wañu-chi-naku-n* die-caus-recip-3 *ima-m-iki* what-evd-iki *chay-ta-qa* dem.d-acc-top *muna-:-chu* want-1-neg 'They kill each other and **what-not, then**. I don't want that.'

<sup>9</sup> Ayacucho Q also makes use of *-ki*.

<sup>10</sup> In Lincha, *-iki* may modify both *-mI* and *-shI* but not *-trI*; in Tana, *-iki* may modify all three evidentials.


6.2 Individual enclitics

(9) *Alkansachin warkawantri. Kabrapis kasusam, piru. Riqsiyantriki runantaqa.* amv *alkansa-chi-n* reach-caus-3 *warka-wan-tri* sling-instr-evc *kabra-pis* goat-add *kasu-sa-m* attention-prf-evd *piru* but *riqsi-ya-n-tr-iki* know-prog-3-evc-iki *runa-n-ta-qa* person-3-acc-top 'She **must make [the stones] reach** with the sling, **for sure**. The goats obey her. They **must know** their master, **for sure**.'

Evidentials obligatorily take evidential modifier (hereafter "em") arguments; ems are enclitics and attach exclusively to evidentials. So, for example, *\*mishi-m* [cat-evd] and *\*mishi-ki* (cat-iki) are both ungrammatical. The corresponding grammatical forms would be *mishi-m-***ø** [cat-evd-ø] and *\*mishi-mi-ki* (cat-evdiki), respectively. With all three sets of evidentials, the *-ik* form is associated with some variety of increase over the *-*ø form; the *-iki* form, with greater increase still. With all three evidentials, *-ik* and *-iki* – except in those cases in which they take scope over universal-deontic-modal or future-tense verbs – indicate an increase in strength of evidence. With the direct *-mI*, *-ik* and *-iki* generally also affect the interpretation of strength of assertion; with the conjectural *-trI*, the interpretation of certainty of conjecture. In the case of universal-deontic modal and future-tense verbs, with both *-mI* and *trI*, *-ik* and *-iki* indicate increasingly strong obligation and increasingly imminent/certain futures, respectively.

### **6.2.11.5 Evidentials in questions**

In questions, the evidentials generally indicate that the speaker expects a response with the same evidential (*i.e.*, an answer based on direct evidence, reportative evidence or conjecture, in the cases of *-mI*, *-shI*, and *-trI*, respectively) (1–3).


(3) *¿Kutiramunmanchutr? ¿Imatrik pasan?* ach *kuti-ra-mu-n-man-chu-tr* return-urgt-cisl-q-evc *ima-tr-ik* what-evc-ik *pasan* pass-3 '**Could** he come back? **What would have** happened?'

The use of *-trI* in a question may, additionally, indicate that the speaker doesn't actually expect any response at all (4), while the use of *-shI* may indicate not that the speaker is expecting an answer based on reported evidence, but that the speaker is reporting the question.

(4) *¿Kawsanchutr manachutr? No se sabe.* ach *kawsa-n-chu-tr* live-3-q-evc *mana-chu-tr?* no-q-evc *No se sabe.* [Spanish] '**Would** he be alive or dead? We don't know.'

# **7 Syntax**

This chapter covers the syntax of Southern Yauyos Quechua. The chapter counts fourteen sections covering constituent order, sentences, coordination, comparison, negation, interrogation, reflexives and reciprocals, equatives, possession, topic, emphasis, complementation, relativization and subordination.

### **7.1 Constituent order**

The unmarked constituent order in syq, as in other Quechuan languages, is SOV (*Mila-qa vikuña-n-kuna-ta riku-ra* 'Melanie saw her vicuñas'). That said, because constituents are obligatorily marked for case, a change in the order of constituents in an utterance will not necessarily change the sense of that utterance (*Mila-qa riku-ra vikuña-n-kuna-ta* 'Melanie saw her vicuñas'). Change in constituent order does not necessarily change the interpretation of topic or focus. Topic is generally signaled by *-qa*, while the evidentials *-mI*, *-shI*, and *-trI* signal focus (*Carmen-qa llama-n-kuna-ta-sh wañu-chi-nqa* 'Carmen will butcher her llamas, they say' *Carmen-qa llama-n-kuna-ta wañu-chi-nqa-sh* 'Carmen will **butcher** her **llamas**, they say'). In the first case, the focus is on the direct object: she will butcher her llamas and not, say, her goats; in the second case, it is the verb that is marked as the focus: she will butcher her llamas and not, say, pet them. Nevertheless, the verb and the object cannot commute in subordinate clauses, where only the order OV is grammatical (*fruta-cha-y-kuna apa-sa-y-ta* 'the fruit I bring' *\*apa-sa-y-ta fruta-cha-y-kuna-ta*).

Modifiers generally precede the elements they modify: adjectives precede the nouns they modify (*yuraq wayta* 'white flower'), possessors precede the thing possessed (*pay-pa pupu-n* 'her navel'), and relative clauses precede their heads (*trabaha-sa-yki wasi-pa* 'in the house where you worked'). In case an NP includes multiple modifiers, these appear in the order:

(1) dem-qant-num-neg-preadj-adj-atr-nucleus

7 Syntax

### **7.2 Sentences**

With the exceptions of (a) abbreviated questions and responses to questions (*¿May-pi?* 'Where?' *Chay-pi-(m)* 'There'), and (b) exclamations (*¡Atatayáw!* 'How disgusting!') no syq sentence is grammatical without a verb (*\*Sasa*. 'Hard'). As it is unnecessary in syq to specify either the subject or the object, a verb alone inflected for person is sufficient for grammaticality (*Apa-n* '[She] brings [it]'). First- and second-person objects are indicated in verbal inflection: *-wa/-ma* indicates a first-person object, and *-yki*, *-sHQayki* and *-shunki* indicate secondperson objects (*suya-wa-nki* 'you wait for me' *suya-shunki* 'She'll wait for you') (see §4.3.2.2 on actor-object reference).

### **7.3 Coordination**

The enclitics *-pis*, *-taq*, and *-raq* can all be used to coordinate NPs (1–2), AdvPs and VPs (3); the case suffix *-wan* can be used with the first two of these three (4). *-pis*, *-taq*, and *-raq* generally imply relations of inclusion, contrast, or contradiction, respectively. Thus, *-pis* (inclusion) can generally be translated as 'and' or 'also' (1), (2).

(1) *walmipis qalipis* ch *walmi-pis* woman-add *qali-pis* man-add 'women **and** men<sup>1</sup> '

(2) *Uyqapaqpis kanmi alpakapaqpis kanmi llamapaqpis kanmi.* ach *uyqa-paq-pis* sheep-abl-add *ka-n-mi* be-3-evd *alpaka-paq-pis* alpaca-abl-add *ka-n-mi* be-3-evd *llama-paq-pis* llama-abl-add *ka-n-mi* be–3–evd

'There are [some] out of sheep [wool] **and** there are [some] out of alpaca [wool] **and** there are [some] out of llama [wool].'

<sup>1</sup> An anonymous reviewer suggests that a better gloss here would be 'not only women, but men, too.' This gloss would be consistent with an analysis of *-pis* as generally indicating contrast. In this case, I am directly translating the Spanish gloss suggested to me by my consultant.

7.3 Coordination

(3) *Ishpanipischu puquchinipischu.* amv *ishpa-ni-pis-chu* urinate-1-add-neg *puqu-chi-ni-pis-chu* ferment-caus-1-add-neg 'I **neither** urinate **nor** ferment [urine].'

*-wan* is unmarked and can generally be translated as 'and' (4).

(4) *Milawan Aliciawan Hilda trayaramun. †* amv *Mila-wan* Mila-instr *Alicia-wan* Alicia-instr *Hilda* Hilda-instr *traya-ra-mu-n* arrive-urgt-cisl-3 'Hilda arrived with Mila **and** Alicia.'

*-taq* and *-raq* (contrast and contradiction) can both be translated 'but', 'while', 'whereas' and so on (5).

(5) *Wawanchikta idukanchik qillakunaqa manataqmi.* ach *wawa-nchik-ta* baby-1pl-acc *iduka-nchik* educate-1pl *qilla-kuna-qa* lazy-pl-top *mana-taq-mi* no-seq-evd 'We're educating our children; **whereas** the lazy ones aren't.'

Additional strategies employed for coordination in syq include (a) the employment of the indigenous coordinating particle *icha* 'or' (6) or any of the borrowed Spanish coordinators *i* 'and' (7), *u* 'or' (8), *piru* 'but' (9), or *ni* 'nor' (10) (*Sp. y*, *o*, *pero*, and *ni*) and (b) juxtaposition.


### 7 Syntax


Juxtaposition is accomplished with the placement of the coordinated elements in sequence (11), (12).


When *-kuna* signals inclusion, it can be used to coordinate NP's (13) (see §3.4.2.1).

(13) *Chayman risa Marleni, Ayde, Vilma, Normakuna.* amv *chay-man* dem.d-all *ri-sa* go-npst *Marleni* Marleni *Ayde* Ayde *Vilma* Vilma *Norma-kuna* Norma-pl 'Marleni went there with Ayde, Vilma **and** Norma.'

7.4 Comparison

The Spanish coordinators are widely employed. Coordinators indigenous to syq generally attach to both coordinated elements (14). The coordinators are not necessarily mutually exclusive.

(14) *Ullqushpis kayan, ¿aw? Chuqlluqupapis yuraqpis pukapis.* amv *ullqush-pis* ullqush.flowers-add *ka-ya-n* be-prog-3 *aw* yes *chuqlluqupa-pis* chuqlluqupa.flowers-add *yuraq-pis* white-add *puka-pis* red-add 'There are *ullqush* flowers, **too**, no? *Chuqlluqupa* flowers, **too** – white and red.'

### **7.4 Comparison**

Comparisons of inequality are formed in syq with the borrowed particle *mas* ('more') in construction with the indigenous ablative case suffix, *-paq*, which attaches to the base of comparison (1), (2).


*mas* and *minus* 'less', also borrowed from Spanish, may function as pronouns (3) and adjectives (4), and, when inflected with accusative *-ta*, as adverbs (5) as well.

(3) *Granadakunaktapis, armamintukunaktapis lantiyan masta.* ch *granada-kuna-kta-pis* grenade-pl-acc-add *armamintu-kuna-kta-pis* armaments-pl-acc-add *lanti-ya-n* buy-prog-3 *mas-ta* more-acc 'Grenades and weapons and all, too – they're buying **more**.'

### 7 Syntax


Also borrowed from Spanish are the irregular *mihur* 'better' (6) and *piyur* 'worse' (7), (8).


7.5 Negation

Comparisons of equality are formed with the borrowed particle *igwal* 'equal', 'same' in construction with the indigenous instrumental/comitative case suffix, *-wan*, which attaches to the base of comparison (9).

(9) *Runawan igwaltriki vakaqa: nuybi mis.* amv *runa-wan* person-instr *igwal-tr-iki* equal-evc-iki *vaka-qa:* cow-top *nuybi* nine *mis* month 'Cows are the **same** as people: [they gestate for] nine months.'

### **7.5 Negation**

This section partially repeats §6.2.2 on *-chu*. Please consult that section for further discussion and glossed examples. In syq, negation is indicated by the enclitic *-chu* in combination with any of the particles *mana*, *ama*, or *ni* or with the enclitic suffix *-pis*. *-chu* attaches to the sentence fragment that is the focus of negation. In negative sentences, *-chu* generally co-occurs with *mana* 'not' (1), (2). *-chu* is also licensed by additive *-pis* (3), (4) as well as by *ni* 'nor' (5), (6).


### 7 Syntax


*-chu* co-occurs with *ama* in prohibitions (7) and imperatives (8), (9), as well as in injunctions (10).


*-chu* does not appear in subordinate clauses. In subordinate clauses negation is indicated with a negative particle alone (11–12).

7.6 Interrogation

(11) *Mana qali kaptinqa ñuqanchikpis taqllakta hapishpa qaluwanchik.* ch *mana* no *qali* man *ka-pti-n-qa* be-subds-3-top *ñuqanchik-pis* we-add *taqlla-kta* plow-acc *hapi-shpa* grab-subis *qaluwa-nchik* turn.earth-1pl 'When there are **no** men, we grab the plow and turn the earth.'

(12) *Mana qatrachakunanpaq mandilchanta watachakun.* amv *mana* no *qatra-cha-ku-na-n-paq* dirty-fact-refl-nmlz-3-purp *mandil-cha-n-ta* apron-dim-3-acc *wata-cha-ku-n* tie-dim-refl-3 'She's tying on her apron **so** she does**n't** get dirty.'

### **7.6 Interrogation**

This section partially repeats §3.2.3 and§6.2.2 on interrogative indefinites and *-chu*. Please consult those sections for further discussion and glossed examples.

Absolute (1) and disjunctive (2), (3) questions are formed with the enclitic *-chu*. When it functions to indicate interrogation, *-chu* attaches to the sentence fragment that is the focus of the interrogation (4).


### 7 Syntax

(4) *¿Chaypachu tumarqanki?* amv *chay-pa-chu* dem.d-loc-q *tuma-rqa-nki* take-pst-2 'Did you take [pictures] there?'

In disjunctive questions, it generally attaches to each of the disjuncts (5).

(5) *¿Kanastapichu baldipichu?* amv *kanasta-pi-chu* basket-loc-q *baldi-pi-chu* bucket-loc-q 'In the basket **or** in the bucket?'

Questions that anticipate a negative answer are indicated by *manachu* (6).

(6) *¿Manachu friqulniki? ¿Puchukarunchu?* amv *mana-chu* no-q *friqul-ni-ki* bean-euph-2 *puchuka-ru-n-chu* finish-urgt-3-q 'Do**n't** you have any beans? They're finished?'

*Manachu* may also "soften" questions (7).

(7) *¿Manachu chay wankuchata qawanki?* amv *mana-chu* no-q *chay* dem.d *wanku-cha-ta* mold-dim-acc *qawa-nki* see-2 'You have**n't** seen the little [cheese] mold?'

*Manachu*, like *aw* 'yes', may also be used in the formation of tag questions (8).

(8) *Wak chimpapaqa yuraqyayan, ¿manachu?* ach *wak* dem.d *chimpa-pa-qa* front-loc-top *yuraq-ya-ya-n* white-inch-prog-3 *mana-chu* no-q 'There in front they're turning white, **aren't they**?'

Interrogative *-chu* does not appear in questions using interrogative pronouns (9), (10).

(9) *\*¿Pi haqtrirqachu?* amv *pi* who *haqtri-rqa-chu* sneeze-pst-q 'Who sneezed?'

7.6 Interrogation

(10) *\*¿Pitaq qurquryarachu? \*¿Pitaqchu qurquryara?* amv *pi-taq* who-seq *qurqurya-ra-chu* snore-pst-q *pi-taq-chu* who-seq-q *qurqurya-ra* snore-pst 'Who snored?'

Constituent questions are formed with the interrogative-indefinite stems *pi* 'who', *ima* 'what', *imay* 'when', *may* 'where', *imayna* 'how', *mayqin* 'which', *imapaq* 'why', and *ayka* 'how much/many' (see Table 3.2). Interrogative pronouns are formed by suffixing the stem – generally but not obligatorily – with one of the enclitics *-taq*, *-raq*, *-mI*, *-shI* or *-trI* (11–13).


Interrogative pronouns are suffixed with the case markers corresponding to the questioned element (14), (15).


### 7 Syntax

The enclitic generally attaches to the final word in the interrogative phrase: when the interrogative pronoun completes the phrase, it attaches directly to the interrogative; in contrast, when the phrase includes an NP, the enclitic attaches to the NP (*pi-paq-taq* 'for whom' *ima qullqi-tr* 'what money') (16).

(16) *Chaypaqa wiñaraptinqa, ¿ayka puntrawnintataq riganchik?* amv *chay-pa-qa* dem.d-loc-top *wiña-ra-pti-n-qa* grow-unint-subds-3-top *ayka* how.many *puntraw-ni-n-ta-taq* day-euph-3-acc-seq *riga-nchik* irrigate-1pl 'When it grows, at **how many** days do you water it?'

Enclitics are not employed in the interior of a subordinate clause but may attach to the final word in the clause (¿*Pi mishi-ta saru-ri-sa-n-ta-taq qawa-rqanki*? 'Who did you see trample the cat?').

### **7.7 Reflexives and reciprocals**

This section partially repeats §4.4.2.3.5 and §4.4.2.3.8 on *-ku*, and *-na* Please consult those sections for further discussion and examples. syq employs the verbverb derivational suffixes *-kU* and *-nakU* to indicate reflexive and reciprocal action, respectively.

*-kU* may indicate that the subject acts on himself/herself or that the subject of the verb is the object of the event referred to, i.e., *-kU* derives verbs with the meanings 'V one's self' (1), (2), and 'be Ved' (3), (4). Note that *-kU* is not restricted to forming reflexives and may also indicate pseudo-reflexives, middles, mediopassives and passives.


7.7 Reflexives and reciprocals

'Condemning himself [turning into a zombie], he arrived at the girl's place.'


*-na* indicates that two or more actors act reflexively on each other, i.e., *-na* derives verbs with the meaning 'V each other' (5), (6).


*-na* is dependent and never appears independent of *-kU*. *-chinakU* derives verbs with the meaning 'cause each other to V' (7), (8).

(7) *Yuyarichinakuyan.* amv *yuya-ri-chi-naku-ya-n* remember-incep-caus-recip-prog-3 'They're **making each other** remember.'

### 7 Syntax

(8) *Kukankunata tragunkunata muyuykachinakushpa.* amv *kuka-n-kuna-ta* coca-3-pl-acc *tragu-n-kuna-ta* drink-3-pl-acc *muyu-yka-chi-naku-shpa* circle-excep-caus-recip-subis '**Making** their coca and liquor circulate **among themselves**.'

Preceding any of the derivational suffixes *-mu*, *-ykU*, or *-chi* or the inflectional suffix *-ma*, *-(chi-na)-kU* is realized as *-(chi-na)-ka*.

### **7.8 Equatives**

This section partially repeats §4.2.3 on equative verbs Please consult that section for further discussion and examples. syq counts a single copulative verb, *ka-*. Like the English verb *be*, *ka-* has both copulative (1), (2) and existential (3), (4) interpretations. *ka-* is irregular: its third person singular present tense form, *ka-n*, never appears in equational statements, but only in existential statements. 'This is a llama' would be translated *Kay-qa llama-m*, while 'There are llamas' would be translated *Llama-qa ka-n-mi*.


7.9 Possession

(4) *Rantiqpis kantaqmi.* amv *ranti-q-pis* buy-ag-add *ka-n-taq-mi* be-3-seq-evd '**There are** also buyers.'

Evidentials (*-mI*, *-shI* and *-trI*) often attach to the predicate in equational statements without *ka-n* (5), (6).


The principal strategy in syq for constructing equational statements is to employ the continuous form *ka-ya-n* (7).

(7) *¿Alpakachu wak kayan?* amv *alpaka-chu* alpaca-q *wak* dem.d *ka-ya-n* be-prog-3 '**Is that** alpaca [wool]?'

### **7.9 Possession**

This section partially repeats §3.3.1 on possession. Please consult that section for further discussion and glossed examples. syq employs the suffixes of the nominal paradigm to indicate possession. These are the same in all dialects for all persons except the first person singular. Two of the five dialects – amv and lt – follow the qii pattern, marking the first person singular with *-y*; three dialects – ach, ch, and sp – follow the qi pattern marking it with *-:* (vowel length). The syq nominal suffixes, then, are: *-y* or *-:* (1p), *-Yki* (2p), *-n* (3p), *-nchik* (1pl) (1–5). Table 3.4 displays this paradigm.

### 7 Syntax


In the case of words ending in a consonant, *-ni* – semantically vacuous – precedes the person suffix (6).

(6) *Ganawninta qatikura qalay qalay.* ach *ganaw-ni-n-ta* cattle-euph-3-acc *qati-ku-ra* follow-refl-pst *qalay* all *qalay* all 'They herded **their** cattle, absolutely all.'

syq "have" constructions are formed substantive-poss *ka-* (7).

(7) *Mana wambrayki kanchu mana qariyki kanchu.* ach *mana* no *wambra-yki* child-2 *ka-n-chu* be-3-neg *mana* no *qari-yki* man-2 *ka-n-chu* be-3-neg '**You** don't **have children**, **you** don't **have a husband**.'

7.10 Topic

In case a noun or pronoun referring to the possessor appears in the same clause, the noun or pronoun is case-marked genitive with either *-pa*, *-pi*, or *-paq* (8), (9).<sup>1</sup>


### **7.10 Topic**

This section partially repeats §6.2.7 on *-qa*. Please consult that section for further discussion and glossed examples. syq uses the enclitic *-qa* to mark topic.


<sup>1</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that possessive constructions are formed differently in qi: "The possessed item takes a possessive suffix and the copula takes -pU followed by an object suffix that agrees with the person of the possessor. In other words, the verbal object suffix and the possessive suffix refer to the same person." The reviewer offers the following examples:

*Ishkay wa:ka-: ka-pa-ma-n.* 'I have two cows.'

*Ishkay wa:ka-yki ka-pu-shu-nki.* 'You have two cows.'

*Ishkay wa:ka-n ka-pu-n (or ka-n).* 'She has two cows.'

### 7 Syntax


### **7.11 Focus**

In syq, it is the evidentials, *-mI*, *-shI*, and *-trI*, that, by virtue of their placement, indicate focus or comment. For example, in (1), the evidential attaches to the direct object, *shakash* 'guinea pig', and it is that element that is stressed: it is a **guinea pig** that you are going to butcher tomorrow. In (2) the evidential attaches to the temporal noun *paqarin* 'tomorrow', with the resulting interpretation: it is **tomorrow** that you are going to butcher a guinea pig. Evidentials never attach to the topic or subject. Topic and subject are, rather, marked with *-qa*, as is *qam* in (1) and (2).


### **7.12 Complementation (infinitive, agentive, indicative and subjunctive clauses)**

This section partially repeats §3.4.1 on substantives derived from verbs Please consult that section for further discussion and glossed examples. syq forms infini-

### 7.12 Complementation (infinitive, agentive, indicative and subjunctive clauses)

tive complements with *-y* (1–3), purposive complements with *-q* (4), (5), indicative complements with *-sHa* (6–9), and subjunctive complements with *-na* (10). Infinitive complements often figure as the object of the verbs *muna-* 'want' (1), *atipa-* 'be able' (2), and *gusta-* 'like' (3). Indicative complements are common with the verbs *yatra-* 'know' (7), (8), *qunqa-* 'forget', *qawa* 'see' (9), and *uyari-* 'hear'. Note that infinitive complements are case-marked with accusative *-ta* and that *-q* purposive complements only occur with verbs of movement (*-na-*(poss)*-paq*, being used for other verb types (11) (see §3.4.1.1)).


### 7 Syntax


### **7.13 Relativization**

This section partially repeats §3.4.1 on substantives derived from verbs. Please consult that section for further discussion and glossed examples. syq forms relative clauses with the four deverbalizing suffixes: concretizing *-na* (1), agentive *-q* (2), perfective *-sHa* (3), and infinitive *-y* (4). As these structures are

7.13 Relativization

formally nouns, they are inflected with substantive suffixes, not verbal suffixes (*ranti-sa-yki \*ranti-sa-nki* 'that you sold') (5).


The inflected forms may be reinforced with possessive pronouns (6). *-sHa* may additionally form nouns referring to the location where (7 or time at which (8) an event E occurred. *-sHa* is realized as *-sa* in ach (5), amv (9) and sp (11) and as *-sha* in lt (10) and ch. Any substantive constituent – subject (2), object (9), or complement (1) – can be relativized. Nominalizing suffixes attach directly to the verb stem, with the exception that the person suffixes *-wa/-ma* (first person object) and *-sHu* (second person object) may intercede (12), (13).

### 7 Syntax


7.14 Subordination

(13) *Filupa paninqa nin, "Maqawaytam ñuqata pinsayan".* amv *Filu-pa* Filu-gen *pani-n-qa* sister-3-top *ni-n* say-3 *maqa-wa-y-ta-m* hit-1.obj-inf-acc-evd *ñuqa-ta* I-acc *pinsa-ya-n* think-prog-3 'Filomena's sister said, "He's thinking about hitting [wants to hit] **me**."'

### **7.14 Subordination**

This section partially repeats §4.3.7 on subordination. Please consult that section for further discussion and glossed examples. syq counts three subordinating suffixes – *-pti*, *-shpa*, and *-shtin* – and one subordinating structure – *-na-*poss*-kama*. Additionally, in combination with the purposive case suffix, *-paq*, *-na* forms subordinate clauses that indicate the purpose of the action expressed in the main clause (*qawa-na-y-paq* 'so I can see') (see §3.4.1.1).<sup>2</sup>

*-pti* is employed when the subjects of the main and subordinate clauses are different (*huk qawa-pti-n-qa*, *ñuqa-nchik qawa-nchik-chu* 'Although others see, we don't see') (1); *shpa* and *-shtin* are employed when the subjects of the two clauses are identical (*tushu-shpa wasi-ta kuti-mu-n* 'Dancing they return home') (2), (3). *-pti* generally indicates that the event of the subordinated clause began prior to that of the main clause but may also be employed in the case those events are simultaneous (*urkista-qa traya-mu-pti-n tushu-rqa-nchik* 'When the band arrived, we dansed').


<sup>2</sup> An anonymous reviewer points out that all of the case-marked deverbal NPs – not just *-kama* and *-paq* – can form subordinate/adverbial clauses.

### 7 Syntax

(3) *Yantakunata qutushtin lliptakunata kañakushtin, hanay …* amv *yanta-kuna-ta* firewood-pl-acc *qutu-shtin* gather-subavd *llipta-kuna-ta* ash-pl-acc *kaña-ku-shtin* burn-refl-subadv *hanay* up.hill '**Gathering** wood, **burning** ash, [we lived] up hill.'

*-shpa* generally indicates that the event of the subordinated clause is simultaneous with that of the main clause (*sapu-qa kurrkurrya-shpa kurri-ya-n* 'The frog is running going *kurr-kurr!*') (4) but may also be employed in case the subordinated event precedes the main-clause event (5).


*-shtin* is employed only when the main and subordinate clause events are simultaneous (*Awa-shtin miku-chi-ni wambra-y-ta* '(By) weaving, I feed my children') (6).

(6) *Yatrakunchik imaynapis maski waqakushtinpis … asikushtinpis … imaynapis.* ach *yatra-ku-nchik* live-refl-1pl *imayna-pis* how-add *maski* maski *waqa-ku-shtin-pis* cry-refl-subadv-add *asi-ku-shtin-pis* laugh-refl-subis-add *imayna-pis* how-add 'We live however we can, although **we're crying** … **laughing** … however we can.'

*-pti* subordinates are suffixed with allocation suffixes (*tarpu-pti-nchik* 'when we plant') (7); *-shpa* and *-shtin* subordinates do not inflect for person or number (*\*tarpu-shpa-nchik*; *\*tarpu-shtin-yki*). Subordinate verbs inherit tense, aspect and conditionality specification from the main clause verb (*Ri-shpa qawa-y-man karqa* 'If I **would have** gone, I **would have** seen').

7.14 Subordination

(7) *Manam pagawaptikiqa manam wambraykiqa alliyanqachu.* lt *mana-m* no-evd *paga-wa-pti-ki-qa* pay-1.obj-subds-2-top *mana-m* no-evd *wambra-yki-qa* child-2-top *alli-ya-nqa-chu* good-inch-3.fut-neg '**If you** don't pay **me**, your son isn't going to get better.'

Depending on the context, *-pti* and *-shpa* can be translated by 'when' (1), 'if' (8), 'because' (9), (10) 'although' (11) or with a gerund (2). *-shtin* is translated by a gerund only (3), (6).


*-na-*poss*-kama* is limitative. It forms subordinate clauses indicating that the event referred to either is simultaneous with (12) or limits (13) the event referred to in the main clause (*puñu-na-y-kama* 'while I was sleeping'; *wañu-na-n-kama* 'until she died').

(12) *Mana vilakuranichu puñunaykaman.* amv *mana* no *vila-ku-ra-ni-chu* watch.over-refl-pst-1-neg *puñu-na-y-kaman* sleep-nmlz-1-lim 'I didn't keep watch **while** I was sleeping.'

### 7 Syntax

(13) *Traki paltanchikpis pushllunankama purinchik.* amv *traki* foot *palta-nchik-pis* soul-1pl-add *pushllu-na-n-kama* blister-nmlz-3-lim *puri-nchik* walk-1pl 'We walked **until** blisters formed on the souls of our feet.'

# **Appendix A: Analysis of the Southern Yauyos Quechua lexicon**

What follows is an analysis of lexical differences among the five dialects. This analysis is excerpted from the introduction to the lexicon that accompanies this volume.

The lexicon counts 2537 Quechua words. Most were gleaned from glossed recordings collected in the eleven districts over the course of four years, 2010– 2014; additional terms were identified by eliciting cognate or correlate terms for various items in Cerrón-Palomino (1994)'s unified dictionary of Southern Quechua as well as his dictionary of Junín-Huanca Quechua (Cerrón-Palomino (1976b)). The recordings and annotated transcriptions have been archived by The Language Archive of the Dokumentation Bedrohter Sprachen/Documentation of Endangered Languages (DoBeS) archive at the Max Planck Institute (http: //corpus1.mpi.nl/ds/imdi\_browser/?openpath=MPI1052935%23) and the Archive of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America (AILLA) at the University of Texas at Austin (http://www.ailla.utexas.org/site/welcome.html). All documents – including the unformatted .xml lexical database – can be consulted via those institutions' web sites. All terms were reviewed with at least two speakers of each dialect: Benedicta Lázaro and Martina Reynoso (ah); Mila Chávez, Delfina Chullunkuy, Esther Madueño, Hilda Quispe, and Celia Rojas (mv); Iris Barrosa, Gloria Cuevas, Senaida Oré, Hipólita Santos, and Erlinda Vicente, (ch); Ninfa Flores and Sofía Vicente (lt); and Santa Ayllu, Elvira Huamán, Sofía Huamán, and Maximina P.

As stated in the Introduction, Yauyos is located on the border between the two large, contiguous zones where languages belonging to the two great branches of the Quechua language family are spoken: the "Quechua I" (Torero) or "Quechua B" (Parker) languages are spoken in the regions immediately to the north; the "Quechua II" or "Quechua A" languages, in the regions immediately to the south. Both grammatically and lexically, the dialects of southern Yauyos share traits with both the qi and qii languages. Critically, however, the dialects which sort with the the qi languages grammatically do not necessarily also sort with them lexically; nor do the dialects which sort with the qii languages grammatically

### A Analysis of the Southern Yauyos Quechua lexicon

necessarily sort with them lexically. That is, grammatically and lexically, the dialects cleave along distinct lines.

Grammatically, two of the five dialects – those of Madeán-Viñac and Lincha-Tana – sort together, as these, like the qii languages, indicate the first-person subject with *-ni*, the first-person possessor with *-y*, and first-person object with *-wa*. The remaining three – Azángaro-Huangáscar, Cacra-Hongos, and San Pedro – sort together, as these, like the qi languages, indicate the first person subject and possessor with vowel length and the first-person object with *-ma*. 1

Lexically, however, the dialects cleave along different lines, lines defined not by morphology but by geography. Lexically, the two more northern dialects – the "qi" ch and the "qii" lt – sort together while the three more southern dialects – the "qi" ah and sp together with the "qii" mv – sort together. Below, I detail an analysis of the lexicon that I performed using a subset of 2551 terms. The dialects generally agree in the terms they use to name the same referent: I could identify only 37 instances in which the dialects employed words of different roots. In 32 of these instances the dialects cleaved along north-south lines and in 22 of the relevant 28 cases for which correlate terms could be identified from Junín-Huanca Quechua and Ayacucho Quechua (the former a "qi" language spoken immediately to the north of Yauyos, the second, a "qii" language spoken very nearby, to the south), the northern dialects employed the term used in Junín-Huanca, while the southern dialects employed the term used in Ayacucho.<sup>2</sup>

This does not mean that the dialects employed identical terms in all the remaining 2387 cases (subtracting 75 for 36 pairs and one triplet). Far from it. All dialects employed identical terms in only 1603 instances. Included among these are all but 20 of the 522 words in the corpus borrowed from Spanish (examples

*qawa-* (mv, ah, sp) ~ *rika-* (ch, lt) 'see' → *qawa-chi-* ~ *rika-chi-* 'show','make and offering' *chakwash* (mv, ah, sp) ~ *paya* (ch, lt) 'old woman' → *chakwash-ya-* ~ *paya-ya-* 'become an old woman' *qishta* (mv, ah, sp, lt) ~ *tunta* (ch, lt) 'nest'

<sup>1</sup> Yauyos counts three additional dialects, spoken in the districts of Alis and Tomas; Huancaya and Vitis; and Laraos, all located in the north of the province. The lexicon, like the grammar, makes abstraction of these dialects.

<sup>2</sup> No pair was counted more than once. The lexicon includes both roots and derived terms. Thus both the pairs *sumaq* (mv, ah, sp) and *tuki* (ch, lt) 'pretty' and *sumaq-lla* (mv, ah, sp) and *tuki-lla* (ch, lt) 'nicely' appear in the corpus. Only the root pair, *sumaq* ~ *tuki*, was entered in the catalogue of those cases where dialects differed in root terms employed. There were 116 cases of this type. These were excluded from the count and account given here. Examples are given immediately below.

<sup>→</sup> *qishta-cha-* ~ *tunta-cha-* 'build a nest'

in 1. <sup>3</sup> Once terms of Spanish origin are eliminated, we are left with a corpus of 1940 items. All dialects agreed perfectly in their realizations of these items in 1081 cases (56%) (examples in 2). The remaining 755 items are accounted for as follows. In 154 cases aQuechua-origin term was realized identically in all dialects in which it was attested but remained unattested in one or more dialects, as in 3. Given the current state of the language – classified as "moribund" in the 2013 edition of Ethnologue Lewis, Simons & Fennig (2015)() – nothing can be concluded from these gaps, neither that the dialects originally employed the same term, nor that it was necessarily different. In 630 cases, the dialects employed terms of the same root but with different realizations, as in 4. Included among these are 236 cases where these differences can be attributed to differences in the phonology between Cacra-Hongos and the other four dialects: the realization of \*[r] as [l], for example (151 cases, examples in 5) or \*/s/ as [h] (45 cases, examples in 6). Also counted among these 745 cases are terms affected by metathesis and other phonological processes (vowel lowering (/i/), velarization (/q/), depalatization (/sh/), and gliding (/y/), among others) (207 cases, examples in 7 and 8). Finally, the sample counts terms affected by variation in verbal or nominal morphology (62 cases, examples in 9). Principal among these are instances of words derived with past participles – formed with *-sha* in the north and *-sa* in the south – and others that also differ by virtue of the fronting of /sh/ (40 cases, examples in 10 and 11).

1. Spanish-origin terms identical in all dialects


<sup>3</sup> Virtually any term of Spanish origin in current use in the area may be borrowed into syq. I have included Spanish- origin words in the lexicon just in case they were either 1 of extremely high use (*tuma-* 'take', 'drink' (*Sp. tomar* 'take', 'drink')); 2 had no corresponding indigenous term (in contemporary usage) (*matansya* 'massacre' (*Sp. matanza* 'massacre')); or 3 had altered substantially either in their pronunciation or denotation (*firfanu* 'orphan' (*Sp. huérfano* 'orphan'); *baliya-* 'shoot' (*Sp. bala* 'bullet')).

### A Analysis of the Southern Yauyos Quechua lexicon


2. Quechua-origin terms identical in all dialects

3. Terms with no Quechua-language correlate in one or more of the dialects


### 4. Terms of the same root but with different realizations in different dialects


5. Terms where \*[r] is realized as [l] in ch


### 6. Terms where \*/s/ is realized as [h] in ch


7. Terms affected by metathesis


8. Terms affected by other phonological processes


9. Terms affected by variation in verbal or nominal morphology


10. Terms derived with past participles


11. Terms that differ by the exchange s/sh


A clear pattern emerges both with regard to the cases where the dialects employed terms of different roots and those in which they varied in their realizations of the same root term. In 32 of the 37 instances in which root terms differed, the dialects cleaved along north-south lines, with the northern dialects – ch and lt<sup>4</sup> – sorting together and the southern dialects – mv, ah, and sp – sorting together, as in 1.

<sup>4</sup> With the exception of two and a half cases: one where lt sorts with the southern dialects ('make an offering'), one where lt recorded no Quechua-origin term ('bitter'), and one where Cacra and Hongos split, Cacra alone recording a second term ('rain').

### A Analysis of the Southern Yauyos Quechua lexicon

In four of the five remaining instances San Pedro supplied the outstanding term. In 32 of the 37 cases, cognate terms could be identified for Junín and Ayacucho (Yauyos' "qi" (northern) and "qii" (southern) neighbors, respectively). In 23 of the relevant 28 of these 32 cases, the northern dialects – "qi" ch and "qii" lt – employed the term used in Junín, while the southern dialects – the "qi" ah and sp and the "qii" mv – employed the term used in Ayacucho, as in 2. 5

The full list appears in Table A.1.


1. Root terms varying along north-south lines



3. Synonyms employed in southern but not northern dialects


I have taken it as my task here only to present the data; I leave it to other scholars to come to their own conclusions. The raw data are available in the form of an .xml document that can be accessed by all via the DoBeS and AILLA websites.

<sup>5</sup> In at least two of these 32 cases, the Junín term had a cognate correlate in Jaqaru, an Aymaran language spoken in Tupe, Cacra's closest neighbor to the north. The terms are *kallwi-* 'cultivate' and *liklachiku* 'underarm'.


Table A.1: Differences among dialects in root terms used to refer to the same referent

# **Appendix B: Further analysis of evidential modifiers**

This appendix presents a further analysis of the interpretation of propositions under the scope of the various permutations of the direct and the conjectural evidentials – *-mI* and *-trI* – in combination with the three evidential modifiers – *-*ø, *-ik*, and *-iki*.

### **B.1 The EM's and the interpretation of propositions under direct** *-mI*

In the case of the direct *-mI*, all three forms, *-mI-*ø, *-m-ik*, and *m-iki*, indicate that the speaker has evidence from personal experience for the proposition immediately under the scope of the evidential. The *-ik* and *-iki* forms then indicate increases in the strength of that evidence, generally that it is increasingly immediate or definitive. For example, consultants explain, with *wañu-rqa-*ø [die-pst-3] 'died', a speaker might use *-mI-*ø if she had seen the corpse, while she would use *-m-iki* if she had actually been present when the person died. Or with *para-ya-n* [rain-prog-3] 'it's raining', a speaker might use *-mI-*ø if she were observing the rain from inside through a window, while she would use *-m-iki* if she were actually standing under the rain. (1) and (2) give naturally-occurring *-m-iki* examples. In (1) the speaker reports her girlhood experience working as a shepherdess in the *puna* (high, cold, wet pasture grounds). What would run out on her was her matches. In (2) the speaker reports her experience with the Shining Path, an armed Maoist group that terrorized the region in the 1980's with its robberies, kidnappings and public executions. The fight she refers to is the battle between the Shining Path and the government *Sinchis* (commandos). In both examples, the speakers are reporting events they experienced with painful immediacy and with regard to which there are no more authoritative sources than themselves.

### B Further analysis of evidential modifiers


In addition to indicating increases in evidence strength, *-ik* and *-iki*, in combination with *-mI*, generally correspond to increases in strength of assertion. A *-m-ik* assertion is interpreted as stronger than a *-mI-*ø assertion; a *-m-iki* assertion as stronger still. In Spanish, *-mI-*ø generally has no reflex in translation. More than anything else, it serves to mark comment or focus (see §7.11) or else to stand in for the copular verb *ka*, defective in the third-person present tense (see §4.2.3). In contrast, *-m-iki* does have a reflex in Spanish: it translates with an emphatic, either *pues* 'then' or *sí* 'yes'. So, *quni-m-***ø** [warm-evd-ø] receives the Spanish translation '*es caliente*' 'it's warm'; in contrast, *quni-m-iki* [warm-evdki] receives the translations, '*es caliente, pues*' 'it's warm, then' or'*sí, es caliente* 'yes, it's warm'. Example (3) is taken from a story. An old lady has sent two boys for wood – "so I can cook you a nice supper," she said. Two doves appear at the wood pile to warn the boys. *Miku-shunki-m-iki* 'she's going to eat you', they warn. Using the *-iki* form, the birds make the strongest assertion they can. They need to convince the boys that they are indeed in trouble – their very lives are in danger.

(3) *Kananqa wirayaykachishunki mikushunkimiki.* amv *kanan-qa* now-top *wira-ya-yka-chi-shunki* fat-inch-excep-caus-3>2.fut *miku-shunki-mi-ki.* eat-3>2.fut-evd-iki 'Now she's going to fatten you up and **eat you**!'

In those cases in which *-mI* takes scope over universal-deontic-modal or futuretense verbs, *-k* and *-ki* do not generally indicate an increase in evidence strength; rather, they indicate increasingly strong obligations and increasingly immediate futures, respectively. So, for example, under the scope of *-mI-*ø, *yanapa-na-y* [help-nmlz-1] receives a weak universal deontic interpretation, 'I ought to help'. In contrast, under the scope of *-m-ik* or *-m-iki*, the same phrase receives increasingly strong universal interpretations, on the order of 'I have to help' and 'I must

### B.2 The EM's and the interpretation of propositions under conjectural*-trI*

help', respectively. Under the scope of *-mI-*ø, the phrase is understood as something like a strong suggestion, while under *-m-iki*, it is understood as a more urgent obligation. That is, here, *-ik* and *-iki* seem to do something like increase the degree of modal force, turning a weak universal modal into a strong one. This is the case, too, where *-mI* takes scope over future-tense verbs. For example, explain consultants, in the case of the future-tense *ri-shaq* [go-1.fut] 'I will go', a speaker might use*-mI-*ø if she were going to go at some unspecified, possibly very distant future time. In contrast, she might use *-m-ik* if her going were imminent, and *-m-iki* if she were already on her way. The speaker of (4), for example, urgently needed to water her garden and had been on her way to do just that when she got caught up in the conversation. When she uttered (4) she was, in fact, already in motion.

(4) *Rishaq yakutamiki qawashaq.* amv *ri-shaq* go-1.fut *yaku-ta-mi-ki* water-acc-evd-iki *qawa-mu-shaq* look-cisl-1.fut 'I'm **going to** go. I'm **going to** take care of the water now.'

### **B.2 The EM's and the interpretation of propositions under conjectural** *-trI*

In the case of the conjectural *-trI*, all three forms, *-trI-*ø, *-tri-k*, and *-tri-ki*, indicate that the speaker has either direct or reportative evidence for a set of propositions, *P*, and that the speaker is conjecturing from *P* to *p*, the proposition immediately under the scope of the evidential. The *-ik* and *-iki* forms then indicate increases in the strength of the speaker's evidence and generally correspond to increases in certainty of conjecture.

In case a verb under its scope is not already modalized or not already specified for modal force or conversational base by virtue of its morphology, *-trI* assigns the values [universal] and [epistemic], for force and base, respectively. So, for example, the progressive present-tense *kama-ta awa-ya-n* [blanket-acc weaveprog-3] 'is weaving a blanket' and the simple past-tense *wañu-rqa-*ø [die-pst-3] 'died', both unmodalized and therefore necessarily not specified for either modal force or conversational base, receive universal epistemic interpretations under the scope of *-trI*: 'he would/must be weaving a blanket' and 'he would/must have died', respectively. Speakers bilingual in Yauyos and Spanish consistently translate and simple-present- and simple-past-tense verbs under the scope of

### B Further analysis of evidential modifiers

*-trI* with the future and future perfect, respectively. The *awa-ya-n* 'is weaving' and *wañu-rqa-*ø 'died' of the examples immediately above are translated *estará tejiendo* and *habrá muerto*, respectively. In English, 'would' and 'must' will have to do the job.

Present-tense conditional verbs in syq may receive at least existential ability, circumstantial, deontic, epistemic and teleological interpretations. Past-tense conditional verbs may, in addition to these, also receive universal deontic and epistemic interpretations. That is, present-tense conditionals are specified for modal force [existential], but not modal base, while past-tense conditionals are specified for neither force nor base. *-trI* restricts the interpretation of conditionals, generally excluding all but epistemic readings. In the case of past-tense conditionals, it generally excludes all but universal readings, as well. For example, although the present-tense conditional of (1), *saya-ru-chuwan* 'we could stand around', is normally five-ways ambiguous, under the scope of *-trI*, only the existential epistemic reading available: 'it could happen that we stand around'. Similarly, although the past-tense conditional of (2), *miku-ra-ma-n-man ka-rqa-*ø 'could/would/should/might have eaten me', is normally seven-ways ambiguous, under the scope of *-trI*, only the universal epistemic reading is available: 'the Devil would necessarily have eaten me'. The context for (1) – a discussion of women and alcohol – supports the epistemic reading. The speaker, a woman who in her eighty-odd years had never taken alcohol, was speculating on what would happen if women were to drink. Her conclusion: it's possible we would stand around naked, going crazy.


If it is the case, as Copley (2009) argue, and Matthewson, Rullmann & Davis (2005) that the future tense is a modal specified for both force, [universal], and

### B.2 The EM's and the interpretation of propositions under conjectural*-trI*

base, [metaphysical] or [circumstantial], *-trI* should have no effect on the interpretation of mode in the case of future-tense verbs. This is indeed the case. For example, both the *tiya-pa-ru-wa-nga* of (3) and *ashna-ku-lla-shaq* of (4) receive exactly the interpretations they would have were they not under the scope of *-trI:* 'they will accompany me sitting' and 'I'm going to stink', respectively. This does not mean that *-trI-*ø*/ik/iki* has no effect on the interpretation of future-tense verbs, however. Although it leaves tam interpretation unaffected, *-trI* continues to indicate that the proposition under its scope is a conjecture. And *-ik* and *-iki*, as they do in conjunction with *-mI*, indicate increasingly immediate or certain futures. So, although the tam interpretations of (3)'s *tiya-pa-ru-wa-nga* 'will accompany me sitting' and (4)'s *ashna-ku-lla-shaq* 'I'm going to stink' are unchanged under the scope of *-trI*, the *-ik* of the first and the *-iki* of the second signal immediate and certain futures, respectively. In (3), that future was about an hour away: it was 6 o'clock and the those who were to accompany the speaker were expected at 7:00 for a healing ceremony. The context for (4), too, was a healing ceremony. The speaker was referring to the upcoming part of the ceremony in which she would have to wash with putrid urine – certain to make anyone stink!


In those cases in which *-ik* and *-iki* modify *-trI*, they generally correspond to increases in certainty of conjecture: a *-tr-ik* conjecture is interpreted as more certain than a *-trI*ø conjecture; and a *-tr-iki* conjecture is interpreted as more certain still. Recall that under the scope of *-trI*, present-tense conditional verbs generally receive existential epistemic interpretations while past-tense-conditional as well as simple-present- and simple-past-tense verbs generally receive universal epistemic interpretations. In the case of the first, *-k* and *-ki* yield increasingly

### B Further analysis of evidential modifiers

strong possibility readings; in the case of the second, third and fourth, increasingly strong necessity readings. So, under the scope of *trI-*ø, the present-tense conditional *wañu-ru-n-man* [die-urgt-3-cond] 'could die' receives something like a weak possibility reading; under *-tr-iki*, in contrast, the same phrase receives something like a strong possibility reading. Consultants explain that the *-*ø form might be used in a situation where the person was sick but it remained to be seen whether he would die; the *-iki* form, in contrast, might be used in a situation where the person was gravely ill and far more likely to die. Similarly, under the scope of *-trI-*ø, the simple past tense *wañu-rqa-*ø [die-pst-3] 'died' would receive something like a weak necessity reading: it is highly probable but not completely certain that the person died. In contrast, under the scope of *-tr-iki*, the same phrase would receive something like a strong necessity reading: it is very highly probable, indeed, virtually certain, that the person died. Consultants explain that a speaker might use *-*ø form if she knew, say, that the person, who had been very sick, still had not returned two months after having been transported down the mountain to a hospital in Lima. In contrast, that same speaker might use the *-iki* form if she had, additionally, say, heard funeral bells ringing and seen two of person's daughters crying in the church. (5) and (6) give naturallyoccurring examples. In (5), the speaker<sup>i</sup> makes a present-tense conditional *-trI-*ø conjecture: She<sup>j</sup> could possibly be with a soul (*i.e.*, accompanied by the spirit of a recently deceased relative). The speaker made this conjecture after hearing the report of a single piece of evidence – that a calf had spooked when she<sup>j</sup> came near. Surely, whether or not a person is walking around with the spirit of a recently dead relative hovering somewhere close by is a hard thing to judge, even with an accumulation of evidence. In this case, only the weak *-*ø form is licensed. In (6), in contrast, the speaker makes a simple-present-tense *-tr-iki* conjecture: A certain calf (a friend's) must be being weaned. The speaker, having spent all but a half dozen of her 70-odd years raising goats, sheep, cows and alpacas, would not just be making an educated guess as to whether a calf was being weaned. She knows the signs. In this situation, the strong *-iki* form is licensed.

(5) *Almayuqpis kayanmantri.* amv *alma-yuq-pis* soul-poss-add *ka-ya-n-man-tri* be-prog-3-cond-evc 'She **might be** accompanied by a soul.' B.3 A sociolinguistic note

(6) *Anuyanñatriki.* amv *anu-ya-n-ña-tr-iki* wean-prog-3-disc-evd-iki 'She **must** be weaning him already, for sure.'

In sum, Yauyos' three evidentials, *-mI*, *shI*, and *-trI*, each has three variants, formed by the affixation of three evidential modifiers, *-*ø, *-ik*, and *-iki*. The EM's are ordered on a cline of strength, with the *-ik* and *-iki* forms generally indicating progressively stronger evidence. With the direct *-mI*, this then generally corresponds to progressively stronger assertions; with the conjectural *-trI*, to progressively more certain conjectures. In the case of verbs receiving universal-deonticmodal or future-tense interpretations, *-k* and *-ki* indicate stronger obligations and more imminent futures, respectively. *-trI* has the prior effect of changing the modal interpretation of the verbs under its scope. In case a verb under its scope is not already already specified for modal force or conversational base by virtue of its morphology, *-trI* assigns the default values [universal] and [epistemic] for force and base, respectively.

### **B.3 A sociolinguistic note**

In a dialogue, *-*ø(φ) will often be answered with *-ik*(φ) or *-iki*(φ), where φ is a propostition-evidential pair. Thus, *Karu-m-***ø** 'it's far' may be answered with *Aw*, *karu-mi-ki* 'Yes, you got it/that's right/you bet you/ummhunn/, it's far'. In (1), the first speaker makes a *-trI-***ø** conjecture, 'They must have left drunk'. The second answers with *-tr-ik*, echoing the judgement of the first, 'Indeed, they must have gotten drunk'.

(1) *Spkr 1: "Chay kidamuq runakuna shinkañatr lluqsimurqa." Spkr 2: "Shinkaruntri-k."* amv *chay* dem.d *kida-mu-q* stay-cisl-ag *runa-kuna* person-pl *shinka-ña-tr* drunk-disc-evc *lluqsi-mu-rqa* exit-cisl-pst *shinka-ru-n-tri-k* get.drunk-urgt-3-evc-ik 'Spkr 1: "Those people who stayed must have come out drunk already." Spkr 2: "**Indeed**, they must have gotten drunk."'

# **References**


### References


# **Name index**

Adelaar, Willem F. H., 4, 11, 13, 18, 154, 165, 190 Brougère, Anne-Marie, 5 Bybee, Joan, 233 Castro, Neli Belleza, 23 Catta, Javier, 13 Cerrón-Palomino, Rodolfo M., 8, 9, 13, 19, 21, 22, 154, 210, 277, 309 Chirinos-Rivera, Andrés, 3 Cole, Peter, 13 Coombs, David, 13 Coombs, Heidi, 13 Copley, Bridget, 320 Cusihuamán Gutiérrez, Antonio, 13, 24 Davis, Henry, 320 Dávila, Marlene Ballena, 10 Echerd, Stephen M., 5 Faller, Martina, 18, 165 Fennig, Charles D., 3, 5, 311 Floyd, Rick, 18 Hardman, Martha J., 19 Heggarty, Paul, 5 Hermon, Gabriella, 13 Herrero, Joaquín, 13 Hintz, Daniel, 9, 10, 13, 18, 154, 188 Hintz, Diane, 18 Landerman, Peter N., 5, 7, 21 Weber, Robert, 13

Lewis, M. Paul, 3, 5, 311 Lozada, Federico Sánchez de, 13 Martín, Mario D., 13 Matthewson, Lisa, 320 Muysken, Pieter C., 4, 18, 165 Pagliuca, William, 233 Parker, Gary J., 13, 22, 56, 97, 277 Perkins, Revere, 233 Peterson, Tyler, 165 Quesada Castillo, Félix, 13, 277 Rullmann, Hotze, 320 Shimelman, Aviva, 18, 272, 277 Simons, Gary F., 3, 5, 311 Solís-Fonesca, Gustavo, 13 Soto Ruiz, Clodoaldo, 13 Swisshelm, Germán, 24 Taylor, Gerald, 2, 5, 7, 8, 11, 13 Torero, Alfredo, 5, 6, 22 Varilla Gallardo, Brígido, 5 Weber, David, 13, 18, 23, 188

# **Language index**

Alis, 6 Alto Huallaga, 6, 12 Alto Marañón, 6, 12 Alto Pativilca, 6, 12 Amazonas, 6, 12 Ancash, 4, 10, 13, 22–24, 28, 277 Ap-am-ah, 6, 12 Apurí, 6 Argentinan Quechua, 6, 12 Ayacucho, 4, 6, 8–10, 12, 13, 24, 267, 279, 310, 314 Aymara, 18 Azángaro, 6 Bolivian Quechua, 4, 6, 12, 13 Cacra, 6 Cajamarca, 6, 12, 13, 21, 24, 277 Cañaris, 6, 12 Chinchay, 6, 12 Chocos, 6 Colombian Quechua, 6, 12 Conchucos, 6, 12, 13, 18, 24, 154, 188, 233, 270 Corongo, 9, 10, 24 Cuzco, 4, 6, 12, 13, 18, 24, 165, 233 Ecuadorian Quechua, 6, 12, 13 Ferreñafe, 13 Hongos, 6 Huaihuash, 6, 12

Huailas, 6, 12 Huailay, 6, 12 Huallaga, 10, 13, 18, 23, 24, 188, 233, 270 Huampuy, 6, 8, 12 Huanca, 6, 12, 13, 24, 277, 309, 310 Huancayo, 1, 3, 46, 287 Huangáscar, 6 Huanuco, 10, 13, 22, 23 Huaylas, 10, 24, 253 Imbabura, 13 Incahuasi, 6, 12 Jaqaru, 18, 19, 23 Jauja, 6, 12 Junín, 8–10, 22, 24, 309, 310, 314 Kawki, 18 Laraos, 6, 12 Lincha, 6 Loreto, 6, 12 Madeán, 6 Pacaraos, 6, 12, 13, 22, 24, 154 Proto-Quechua, 6, 12 Puno, 6, 12 San Martín Quechua, 6, 12, 13, 22 Sihuas, 9, 18, 21, 22, 270 Tana, 6

Language index

Tarma, 13, 21, 154, 190, 233 Tomas, 6 Topará, 6, 9

Vitis, 6 Víñac, 6

Yaru, 6, 12 Yungay, 6, 12

# **Subject index**

ablative, 82 accompaniment, 234 accusative, 89 actor and object reference, 138 adjectives, 55 adverbial, 55 , 56 gender, 55 , 57 preadjectives, 58 regular, 55 , 56 adverbial, 199 adverbs, 245 AILLA, 14 , 309 allative, 77 alternative conditional, 176 assenters, 243 Aysa, 18 benefactive, 84 Cachuy, 18 case combinations, 96 causative, 88 , 215 certainty, 263 Chavín, 9 cislocative, 222 classification, 7 comitative, 94 comparative, 72 conditional, 168 constituent order, 283 continuitive, 265

conventions, xi dative, 77 different subjects, 192 diminutive, 214 discontinuitive, 259 disjunction, 254 DoBeS, 14 , 309 dummy noun, 64 durative, 189 emotive, 269 emphatic, 252 enclitic, 249 sequence, 250 endangerment, 3 evidentials, 270 assertive force, 277 conjectural, 275 direct, 273 evidence strength, 279 modification, 277 questions, 281 reportative, 274 exceptional, 237 exclusive, 88 factive, 203 fourth person, 36 frequentive, 217 future, 151 genitive

### Subject index

*-pa* , 79 *-pi* , 87 greetings, 244 imperative, 181 inceptive, 232 inchoative, 206 inclusion, 260 injunctive, 184 instrumental, 94 intensive, 236 interjections, 241 interrogation, 291 *-chu* , 254 irreversible change, 235 iterative past, 166 joint action, 147 , 209 , 228 limitative, 75 , 201 , 220 loan words, 26 locative *-pa* , 80 *-pi* , 86 modal system, 169 modals, 168 morpheme codes, xi sorted by code, xi sorted by morpheme, xiv morphophonemics, 24 , 26 , 213 mutual benefit, 229 negation, 289 *-chu* , 254 nouns, 32 gender, 34 locative, 35 regular, 32 time, 33

numerals, 59 *huk* , 63 cardinal, 59 ordinal, 60 time, 61 with possessive suffixes, 62 *ñuqakuna* , 8 , 37 *ñuqanchikkuna* , 37 *ñuqayku* , 8 orthography, 28 particles, 241 parts of speech, 31 passive, 218 passive/accidental, 216 past, 153 past conditional, 179 perfect, 162 perfective *-ku* , 190 phonemic inventory, 24 consonant, 24 , 25 vowel, 24 , 25 precision, 263 prepositions, 244 progressive, 186 pronouns, 36 demonstrative, 36 , 40 dependent, 36 , 43 determiners, 42 indefinite, 46 interrogative, 46 negative indefinite, 46 personal, 36 psychological necessity, 225 purposive, 84 reciprocal, 223

### Subject index

recordings, 14 reflexive, 204, 218 repetitive, 226 restrictive, 257 same-subjects, 196 sensual necessity, 225 sensual or psychological necessity, 208 sentence, 284 comparison, 287 complementation, 300 coordination, 284 emphasis, 300 equatives, 296 interrogation, 291 negation, 289 possession, 297 reciprocals, 294 relativization, 302 subordination, 305 topicalization, 299 sequential, 267 Shining Path, 4, 317 simple past, 154 quotative tense, 159 simple present, 148 simulative, 72, 205 subordination, 191 substantive accompaniment, 113 agentive, 102 case, 72 classes, 32 concretizing, 99 derivation, 98 derivation from substantives, 112 derivation from verbs, 98

infinitive, 108 inflection, 66 multi-possessive, 113 non-exhaustivity, 112 number inflection, 70 partnership, 116 perfective, 105 possessive, 67, 114 restrictive suffix, 117 syntax, 283 to do, 207 topic marker, 264 translocative, 227 Tupe, 2, 18 uninterrupted action, 230 urgency/personal interest, 233 verb derivation, 202 verbs, 121 copulative, 124 inflection, 129 intransitive, 123 onomatopoetic, 126 transitive, 121

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# A grammar of Yauyos Quechua

This book presents a synchronic grammar of the southern dialects of Yauyos, an extremely endangered Quechuan language spoken in the Peruvian Andes. As the language is highly synthetic, the grammar focuses principally on morphology; a longer section is dedicated to the language's unusual evidential system. The grammar's 1400 examples are drawn from a 24-hour corpus of transcribed recordings collected in the course of the documentation of the language.